An epidemic of cyberattacks on open-source software has mounted in recent months, making clear how uniquely difficult it is to protect the publicly available code, from both a policy and a technical perspective, that serves as the foundation for so much of the digital world.

While open-source software security got a boost in attention under President Joe Biden — whose administration grappled with the fallout from the potentially catastrophic Log4j flaw that emerged in 2021 — a number of open-source experts say that government protection efforts have suffered setbacks under President Donald Trump. Many also say companies that heavily rely on open-source software, which is basically all of them, haven’t shouldered enough of the responsibility for safeguarding it.

“What we’re seeing is years of lack of investment sustainment in open-source software that is finally starting to catch up to us, where it seems like every week there’s a new supply chain compromise,” said Jack Cable, who held a role at the Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency where he worked on open-source security before departing under Trump.

The advancements of frontier artificial intelligence models stand to exacerbate the risk further, while simultaneously illustrating what makes defending open source difficult: Project Glasswing said shortly after its announcement that it had uncovered 6,202 high- or critical-severity vulnerabilities in a scan of more than 1,000 open-source projects, but that it had disclosed only 502 of them to open-source project maintainers and only 75 had been patched as of May 22 (albeit some due to typical patching lagtimes).

At the same time, there are questions about how much the government can help, even as overseas governments seek to focus on open-source security.

The evolution of open-source risk 

There are a series of factors contributing to the current threat to open-source software, experts say.

One is simply that attackers go to the area where they can get the highest return on their work. Compromising open-source software gives them the chance to get into the supply chain and exploit additional targets.

“Twenty years ago, open source was still fairly niche,” said Æva Black, who also worked on open-source security at CISA but left when Trump came back into power. “The potential blast radius if you managed to compromise open source was relatively small, because back then the world didn’t run on open source. Now almost everything runs on open source,” she said, from modern cars to satellites.

Another part is the nature of open-source software itself.

“It’s a symptom [of having] lots of open source [that] is a little bit under-maintained or not cared for enough, so that we spend too little effort and money and infrastructure on them,” said Daniel Stenberg, who is the creator and maintainer of cURL, a popular open-source project. “Lots of open source is being maintained by small teams, lots of volunteers, and I think that that’s a tough situation.”

That doesn’t mean the maintainers are to blame, Stenberg said. The companies that rely on open-source need to be diligent about using it, Black said.

“What we’re seeing in that realm right now is not new; it is more advanced and far more widespread,” she said. “The problem remains that companies who use open source — because open source is by far the most efficient way to collaborate on non-product value features — most companies are not implementing a responsible and safe utilization pathway.”

Open-source projects lack a systematic way to handle coordinated vulnerability disclosures, unlike companies or industry groups with formal processes, said Dan Lorenc, CEO and co-founder of Chainguard. Project maintainers sometimes aren’t reachable, and those who are available are flooded with reports, many of them unverified findings from AI tools that waste their time without adding value..

Of course, some of those vulnerability reports turn out to be legitimate. “Mythos and AI models have contributed to an uptick in the number of vulnerabilities and things that we’re able to find” in open-source software, said Alex Zenla, chief technology officer for the cybersecurity company Edera.

All of that leaves more room for companies, non-profits and world governments to improve open-source security.

A moment of momentum

While open-source software security isn’t a new issue, the 2021 discovery of the Log4j flaw sounded alarms within the cybersecurity community. Jen Easterly, then the director of CISA, called it “one of the most serious I’ve seen in my entire career, if not the most serious,” with the potential to affect hundreds of millions of devices given the ubiquitous nature of the popular open-source logging library.

A year later, the Cyber Safety Review Board released its report on the incident, concluding that swift action from industry and government averted a disaster. But the incident “called attention to security risks unique to the thinly-resourced, volunteer-based open source community,” it wrote. “This community is not adequately resourced to ensure that code is developed pursuant to industry-recognized secure coding practices and audited by experts.”

The U.S. government actions after included some steps focused specifically on open-source software such as creation of the Open-Source Software Security Initiative and hires of well-regarded open-source security experts at CISA such as Black, but also some steps that could be applied more generally and still help with open-source security, such as greater promotion of secure-by-design, memory-safe languages and software bills of materials (SBOMs).

Some of the Biden administration work on open-source security started before Log4j, such as provisions from an executive order he issued in 2021 that directed CISA along with the Office of Management and Budget and General Services Administration to issue guidance to agencies. 

The administration’s 2023 cybersecurity strategy also stepped into the long, thorny discussions over software liability, with a mention of open-source security: “Responsibility must be placed on the stakeholders most capable of taking action to prevent bad outcomes, not on the end-users that often bear the consequences of insecure software nor on the open-source developer of a component that is integrated into a commercial product.“ The Biden administration always indicated that addressing software liability would take a prolonged battle ahead.

Under Trump, many of the Biden administration’s efforts have languished. CISA’s splashy hires on open-source are gone, including Black, Tim Pepper and Anjana Rajan. Also departed are leading figures on secure-by-design and SBOMs, with CISA personnel cutbacks slicing deep. 

No one has seen any sign that the national cyber director-led Open-Source Software Security Initiative is active, with few participants remaining in government today. The Trump administration cyber strategy doesn’t mention open-source.

“The loss of open-source experts at CISA “is unfortunate, and it will be hard for the government to try to rebuild capacity, but I do think now more than ever CISA has a core role to play to secure open source software,” Cable said.

The pressure is mounting

It’s not that the issue is getting zero attention from those in a position to make a difference. Nick Andersen, the acting director of CISA, said last month that open-source security was an area of particular concern for him.

Andersen responded to concerns about CISA staffing levels on open-source security and spoke more broadly on the topic in a statement to CyberScoop.

“As artificial intelligence and other technologies have the power to transform how vulnerabilities are discovered and exploited, CISA recognizes that the open source software (OSS) that underpins much of the nation’s critical infrastructure will need to be hardened,” he said. “CISA actively collaborates with our partners on shared priorities, including OSS security, to ensure time and resources are spent where they matter the most.  We have an immensely talented team, but are also accelerating our hiring in critical areas, to strengthen the nation’s defenses against cyber threats.”

The Office of the National Cyber Director did not respond to requests for comment.

There’s been some activity on Capitol Hill, too. The Securing Open Source Software Act, which Cable worked on during a stint as a Senate staffer, would direct CISA and other agencies to take actions to mitigate open-source software security risks, but the legislation has stalled since its introduction in 2022. A portion of the bill, however, was included in the Department of Homeland Security funding law Trump signed in April, directing CISA to brief Congress on the value of establishing something like an open source program office, which some companies use to manage open source within a given firm.

Senate Intelligence Committee Chairman Tom Cotton, R-Ark., has pushed the executive branch to improve its awareness of foreign adversaries playing roles in open-source software used by national security-focused agencies.

The annual defense policy bill in the House calls on the Defense Department’s chief information officer to report to Congress on a plan to secure open-source software supply chains, saying lawmakers are “concerned that the Department lacks sufficient visibility into the origins, maintenance, and security of OSS applications and software dependencies.”

That defense authorization bill language is “really beneficial, and I think it signals acknowledgement of this changing of culture” around open-source security risks, said Hayden Smith, founder of HuntedLabs, whose company won a contract with the Space Development Agency on supply chain security — agency work that the defense bill singled out.

“The report language is the first time the Hill is trying to get a true handle on foreign influence in open source code where they have oversight,” he said, saying it was a “piece of the puzzle” along with Cotton’s letter and a memo from Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth last year about foreign influence in the Pentagon supply chain. “It’s good and would trickle down into everyone who provides software to the department.”

Zenla, though, believes trying to isolate China from open-source systems isn’t in and of itself a good idea. 

“I don’t think that that makes a lot of sense, because they’re actually pretty good things that people contribute to open source,” she said. “Not everyone is malicious, and what are we going to do, spy on every single open source maintainer?” It’s more about doing things like making sure that highly-classified systems are set up in a separate way, she said.

Europe is also taking action to secure open-source software that the United States doesn’t seem ready or willing to do right now. Germany, for instance, devotes grants to the security of open-source projects, although Stenberg pointed out that sometimes money doesn’t equate to maintainers being able to fix flaws more quickly, depending on the project’s size.

The Cyber Resilience Act (CRA) adopted by the Council of the European Union in 2024 could offer another road on open-source security. The CRA requires those who use open-source software products as part of any commercial activity to take certain security measures. 

Black said that when she was at CISA, there were discussions between the agency and European counterparts about finding compatible ideas on open-source security, but that momentum died with the Trump administration.

But “Europe kept rolling, and now has in place a new legal framework that is set to really reshape open-source security for potentially the whole world, but certainly for anyone who wants to work with Europe on open source,” she said.

Lorenc recently wrote that “open source isn’t governable.” He said an organization like a neutral nonprofit, possibly using some government funding, should take responsibility for things like coordinating vulnerability disclosure into one pipeline. He also said there needs to be one authority in charge of “forking” — that is, taking a project and assigning stewardship elsewhere — when a maintainer isn’t responsive to vulnerabilities. 

There are differing opinions on how much past government warnings, advisories and guidance have helped. Smith gave some credit to government agencies that “have all responded to open source attacks using the means they have.”

Stenberg said that “I don’t think they make any big dent at all in the big scheme of things.” They might get some attention initially, “then two years later we all forgot about them, and they actually didn’t change much.”

Ideally, everyone could get on the same page, Zenla said. “The best way to do this is if people actually collaborated on a global scale on some sort of regulation around this, but that seems nearly impossible at the current moment,” she said. (The United Nations’ Open Source Week runs all this week.)

But if there’s an upside to the spate of attacks on open-source software, it’s the energy it gives to how better to secure it, Lorenc said, invoking the political saying to never let a good crisis go to waste.

“Everyone knows the industry has to change,” he said. “This is a really good crisis, and the right things are happening in the right places, and organizations are rethinking their culture around software development, and they know what they have to do. It’s just something that’s never been top of the priority list for the last 10 years. Now it is, and they’re doing it, and it’s, ‘Can we do it fast enough?’”

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Advanced artificial intelligence models will “fundamentally change warfare as we know it,” a top cyber official at the Defense Department said Thursday, saying it represents “not evolutionary warfare, but revolutionary warfare.”

Paul Lyons, principal deputy assistant secretary for cyber policy, said the development of frontier AI models like Mythos amounted to a “watershed moment,” speaking at Rubrik’s  Federal Cyber Resilience Breakfast produced by FedScoop.

Such models will “change both offense and defensive posture within the Department of War to something that’s close to you for critical infrastructure,” he said. “This is the ability to hunt and speed across the domain and outside the fence line in critical dependencies with water, power, compute.”

The advent of the technology is forcing the department to address difficult questions, but it’s a great opportunity as well for the United States given that it’s being developed by American companies, Lyons said. It’s something his department is optimistic about, he said.

“To be blunt, we’re trying to figure out, what authorities do we need? How do you leverage that within both decisionmaking and employment?” he said. “We have the right people looking at the speed, scale and complexity of cyber and how it’s going to be affected through the advent of AI.”

The Pentagon labeled Mythos a “supply chain risk” after its creator, Anthropic, resisted commands from the department to use its Claude model in ways the firm opposed. The department has nonetheless been using Mythos to hunt for cyber vulnerabilities.

Lyons said that cyber warfare overall has become more mature, as recent conflicts have shown.

“We saw it in spades in Venezuela, where you can layer cyber to create conditions that are favorable to the warfighter, that lower risk to mission, lower risk to force that where paired with both no kinetic and kinetic effects, can increase lethality,” he said. “We see it in Iran today.”

President Donald Trump’s cyber strategy places an emphasis on taking the battle to the malicious hackers, something Lyons said was a vital approach.

“America’s posture in cyber defense has been largely a defensive posture,” he said. “That’s a losing strategy for America. America has to dominate the full spectrum of cyber operations.”

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The recent FBI-led operation to knock Russian government hackers off routers sought to topple an especially insidious and threateningly contagious cyberespionage campaign, top bureau cyber official Brett Leatherman told CyberScoop.

Researchers, along with U.S. and foreign government agencies, revealed details of the campaign this week by which APT28 — also known as Forest Blizzard or Fancy Bear, and attributed to Russia’s Main Intelligence Directorate of the General Staff (GRU) — compromised more 18,000 TP-Link routers and infiltrated more than 200 organizations worldwide. 

The compromise of routers used in small and home offices prompted the takedown operation, Operation Masquerade, which involved sending commands to the routers to reset Domain Name System (DNS) settings to prevent the hackers from exploiting that access.

“What’s unique to me in this one is that when you change the internet settings in a router like they did, it propagates to all the devices in your house,” Leatherman, assistant director of the FBI’s cyber division, said. “All those devices now, once they’re connected to that Wi-Fi, are getting the malicious IP addresses that they are then routing their traffic through, and it gives the Russian GRU tremendous access to the content offered through a router itself.”

“The difficulty in an attack like this is that it’s virtually invisible to the end users,” he said. “Actors were not deploying malware like we often see. And so when you think about endpoint detection on your computer or something like that, it’s not seeing that activity because they don’t have to. They’re using the tools on the router itself to capture your internet traffic and extend it  throughout the house, and so traditional tools that detect that activity [are] just not there.”

The disruption operation is in line with the cyber strategy the Trump administration published last month, with its emphasis on going on offense against malicious hackers and protecting critical infrastructure, Leatherman said.

The FBI understands its role in implementing that strategy, he said, and worked with the Office of the National Cyber Director and other agencies in developing it. The White House has kept the public and Capitol Hill in the dark about strategy implementation, however.

“We’ve got a long track record of leveraging unique authorities and capabilities to counter these actors, to impose costs, and through the 56 field offices to really defend critical infrastructure,” Leatherman said. “That’s part of our DNA, really. And so we want to make sure that we continue to align that in the most scalable and agile way we can, to align with the priorities of the strategy itself.”

Leatherman traced how Operation Masquerade — the success of which he credited to the FBI’s Boston offices and partnerships with the private sector and foreign governments — fits into a series of disruptions aimed at Russian government hackers dating back to 2018.

That’s when the bureau took on the VPNFilter botnet by seizing a domain used to communicate with infected routers. In 2022, the FBI took on the Cyclops Blink botnet, and in 2024, Operation Dying Ember went after another botnet.

“”Over the course of those four operations, while the adversary continued to evolve in their tradecraft, so did we,” Leatherman said. “We moved from just sinkholing domains to actually taking steps that block them at the door of these routers, pulled any capability off of those routers so they were no longer able to collect the sensitive information, and then prohibited them from getting back in.”

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A year-long effort to strengthen cybersecurity and modernize tech at U.S. intelligence agencies has led to policy standards for using AI to bolster cyber defenses, a shared repository of all apps that have undergone a cybersecurity review and more, the Office of the Director of National Intelligence announced Thursday.

An unclassified summary of cyber and tech modernization work under the first year of DNI Tulsi Gabbard’s stewardship states that the office has expanded the automation of threat hunting across intelligence community networks. (The Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency conducts threat hunting across federal civilian agencies.)

The ODNI also has developed a zero-trust strategy that shifts “to a data-centric security model that protects information regardless of location or network,” according to the summary.

“Over the past year, we have taken meaningful steps to begin fulfilling that responsibility through the largest IC-wide technology investment and modernization effort in history,” Gabbard said in a news release. “President Trump’s Intelligence Community is moving faster and more decisively on cybersecurity modernization and investments in IT than ever before, delivering stronger defenses, greater efficiency, and real cost savings for the American people.”   

It constitutes the first significant cybersecurity announcement out of the office under Gabbard and the second Trump administration.

While the year-long effort began before the recent release of a national cyber strategy, the ODNI initiatives reflect many of its goals, including better protection of federal networks, advancing artificial intelligence for defensive purposes and going on offense against cyber adversaries.

The ODNI directed its National Counterintelligence and Security Center “to proactively combat foreign intelligence actors seeking to engage in cyber-attacks against U.S. interests,” according to the summary. 

The idea of an intelligence community repository of cybersecurity authorizations is to save both time and money, as it would allow agencies to capitalize on the testing of apps that other agencies have done without having to repeat them. 

On AI, the ODNI is “developing the policy framework, governance, and standards necessary to accelerate AI adoption for cybersecurity and other critical technology,” the summary states.

“Protecting our nation’s most sensitive information from those who seek to exploit it, while making sure our intelligence professionals have the tools and access they need to do their jobs, is not optional. It is essential to our national security,” Gabbard said. 

Gabbard’s appearance earlier this year during an FBI search of an elections office in Georgia has drawn congressional scrutiny, an appearance she has defended in part by citing her office’s role in coordinating and analyzing intelligence related to cybersecurity. Gabbard’s own personal cybersecurity practices prior to taking the job of DNI have also raised questions.

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SAN FRANCISCO — The Trump administration’s two-week old cyber strategy that aims to promote more proactive, offensive actions while bolstering federal networks and critical infrastructure, is a significant shift that’s already materializing in meaningful ways, a group of experts said Monday at the RSAC 2026 Conference. 

Despite the federal government’s absence from the industry’s largest annual gathering, and the long-anticipated document’s brevity, representatives from a major cybersecurity vendor, consulting, venture capital and law firm were quick to defend and evangelize the administration’s strategic actions in cyberspace. 

The freshly-released strategy puts the federal government on firm footing to move beyond deterrence and into action, said David Lashway, partner and global leader of cybersecurity and national security at Sidley Austin. 

“We are going to take offensive and defensive action with the most powerful cyber capability that the world’s ever seen, and hopefully will ever know,” he said. 

This doesn’t mean, as some industry observers have suggested, that the Trump administration is pushing private companies to hack back. 

The scale and whole of government response is the key difference between the latest federal cyber strategy and what administrations have called for over the past decade, Lashway said. 

Instead of relying on private lawyers to get a nationwide injunction and collaborate with dozens of governments for massive takedowns, or government agencies collaborating with private security companies on a limited basis, the strategy aims to mobilize “the massive infrastructure and capability of the United States in a more coordinated way,” he added. 

This strategic pivot won’t achieve all of its objectives immediately, but it’s already showing signs of impact, according to Lashway. “It’s been different since they issued the strategy,” he said. “We’ve already noticed a difference.”

Wendi Whitmore, chief security intelligence officer at Palo Alto Networks, said she’s also seen more collaboration in the private sector.

“While there’s no doubt challenges related to current staffing and the dynamic environment going on with the government, I have never before seen as much action and cooperation as we are seeing today, and that’s from every government agency that we’re working with,” Whitmore said. 

“There is certainly a tremendous shift in the level of discussion that we get from the government today,” she added. “It’s a very proactive, kind of muscular dialogue that’s different from what I’ve previously seen.”

Experts said that earlier concerns about triggering backlash and worsening already fragile systems had kept the federal government from taking certain actions, but that caution is now being reconsidered.

“The government’s going to start punching people in the face,” said Jamil Jaffer, venture partner and strategic advisor at Paladin Capital Group. 

Trump administration officials have told the private sector it wants their help and they need to be well defended, he added. “If we do live in glass houses, well, everyone’s going to need to start putting more glass up.”

Jaffer expects the Trump administration to prevent and respond to intrusions aggressively and publicly. “Half the problem with deterrence today is we don’t actually practice real deterrence when it comes to the cyber domain. We don’t punch people back,” he said. 

The dynamic and proper response, to him, is akin to a child responding to a bully at school. 

“If you get hit in the face, punch them back in the face,” Jaffer said. “Do it publicly. Everyone sees it. Less people come after you.”

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National Cyber Director Sean Cairncross said Tuesday that the Trump administration isn’t aspiring to enlist the private sector to conduct offensive cyber operations, but instead to help the government by keeping them abreast of the threats they’re facing.

The recently-released national cyber strategy talks about incentivizing companies to disrupt the networks of adversaries.

“I’m not talking about the private sector, industry or companies engaging in a cyber offensive campaign,” Cairncross said at an event hosted by Auburn University’s McCrary Institute. “What I’m talking about are the technical capabilities, the ability of our private sector to illuminate the battlefield from what they’re seeing, to inform and share information so that the USG [U.S. government] can respond to get ahead of things.”

The idea of enabling U.S. companies to undertake disruptive or offensive campaigns against malicious hackers, or to at least aid in U.S. government offensive operations, has regained currency in some GOP circles in recent years. Some companies have shown an interest in doing so, especially if laws are changed to make it more viable.

That trend coincides with growing calls from Trump administration officials — and now the release of the cybersecurity strategy — to go on the offense against hackers, although Cairncross emphasized again that the strategy pillar to “shape adversary behavior” isn’t just about conducting cyber offensive campaigns, but to use other government mechanisms to put pressure on hackers, be they legal or diplomatic.

The government can go about shaping the “risk calculus” “in a more agile fashion” with private sector help, he said.

There’s an enormous amount of capability on the private sector side, and now we have a spear from the United States government… we are looking for real partnership,” Cairncross said.

One way the U.S. government has sought to bring the fight to cyber adversaries is the FBI’s “joint sequenced operations,” used to degrade their capabilities. Speaking at the same event, the head of the bureau’s cyber division said the private sector was key to those operations as well.

“Every one of the joint sequenced operations that the FBI conducts to remove that capacity and capability that I talked about — from the Russians, from the Chinese, from the Iranians and others — happens because a victim came forward and engaged the FBI,” said Brett Leatherman.

“One takeaway for everybody here is ‘What is your game plan in the event of a breach to engage your local FBI field office?’” he asked. “I would proffer there’s very little liability in doing so, and we’re happy to have conversations with your outside or inside counsel, but there’s a tremendous amount to be gained by doing that.”

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The Trump administration is plotting an interagency body to confront malign hackers, pilot programs to secure critical infrastructure across states and other steps tied to its freshly-released cyber strategy, National Cyber Director Sean Cairncross said Monday.

The “interagency cell” will bring together agencies like the Justice Department, the Department of State, the FBI and the Pentagon, which will make it clear that going on cyber offense isn’t just about attacking enemies in cyberspace, Cairncross said.

“Sure, that’s part of it, but that’s not all of it,” he said at an event hosted by USTelecom. It will include diplomatic efforts, arrests and more, he said. “As President Trump has made clear, he expects results, and he’s empowered the team under him to go get them.”

A series of pilot programs will be catered to specific critical infrastructure industries in specific states, such as water in Texas and beef in South Dakota, Cairncross said. Different sectors operate at more or less mature levels, he said.

“One of the things that we are working to do is to align those sectors and prioritize those sectors in a way that makes sense,” he said.

Cairncross said the administration wants to share information with industry better, and will be looking as well at revising regulations in some instances. One of those instances is the Securities and Exchange Commission’s 2023 incident disclosure rule, which drew some of the most vehement industry opposition under the Biden administration’s’ pursuit of cyber regulations. The idea is to make sure they “make sense for industry,” Cairncross said.

But the administration also will have things it seeks from the private sector. That will include bringing together CEOs and sending the message to them that “you need to dedicate some real resources,” he said.

Cairncross has spoken before about wanting to establish an academy to address education and training in a nation with persistent cybersecurity job openings, but there’s more attached to it, he said.

The effort, which Cairncross said the administration would release details on soon, will also include a foundry (which “will be able to scale with private capital new innovation, and deploy it more quickly”) and an accelerator (“so when there’s preceded financing on on projects to really ramp that up and be able to scale as well and overcome some of the procurement hurdles that are often based in in this space”).

Cairncross said at a second event Monday that another forthcoming step was a law enforcement pilot program to better share information with state and local governments.

“We’re looking for ways to streamline information sharing from the USG side,” Cairncross said at a Billington Cybersecurity event, using the acronym for “U.S. government.” “Often, ‘how’ we know things is extremely sensitive, ‘what’ we know is less so,” he said. The goal is “to figure out how to communicate that in a helpful, actionable way.”

Updated, 3/9/26: to include comments about law enforcement pilot program.

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President Donald Trump released his administration’s cyber strategy Friday, promoting offense operations in cyberspace, securing federal networks and critical infrastructure, streamlining regulations, leveraging emerging technologies and strengthening the cybersecurity workforce.

Trump also signed an executive order Friday directing agencies to take action to combat cybercrime and fraud.

A little more than half of the five pages of strategy text of the long-anticipated document is preamble, and two of its seven pages are title and ending pages. Administration officials have said the strategy is deliberately high-level, and the White House promised more detailed guidance in the future.

The strategy “calls for unprecedented coordination across government and the private sector to invest in the best technologies and continue world-class innovation, and to make the most of America’s cyber capabilities for both offensive and defensive missions,” the White House said in a statement accompanying its release.

Each of the six “pillars” of the strategy offer some prescriptions.

“Shaping adversary behavior” calls for using U.S. government offensive and defensive capabilities in cyberspace, as well as incentivizing the private sector to disrupt adversary networks.

It also says Trump will “counter the spread of the surveillance state and authoritarian technologies that monitor and repress citizens,” even as administration critics argue that his administration has fostered surveillance and repression against U.S. citizens.

The shortest pillar, “promote common sense regulation,” decries rules that are only “costly checklists.” The Biden administration expanded cyber regulations, spurring some industry resistance. But the Trump pillar does talk about addressing liability, a point of emphasis for the prior administration as well.

“Modernize and secure federal networks” talks about using concepts and technologies like post-quantum cryptography, artificial intelligence, zero-trust and lowering barriers for vendors to sell tech to the government to meet those goals.

To “secure critical infrastructure,” the strategy calls for fortifying not just owners and operators but also the supply chain, in part by focusing on U.S.-made rather than adversary-made products.

“We will deny our adversaries initial access, and in the event of an incident, we must be able to recover quickly,” the strategy reads. “We will galvanize the role of state, local, Tribal, and territorial authorities as a complement to— not a substitute for — our national cybersecurity efforts.” Some critics of the administration’s cybersecurity actions have contended that it has shifted the burden to state and local governments too much.

AI usage makes up the bulk of the pillar entitled “sustain superiority in critical and emerging technologies,” in addition to reflecting earlier parts of the strategy on the topics of quantum cryptography and privacy protection. That includes the protection of data centers, the subject of localized fights across the country over their location and resource costs.

The final pillar says the United States must “build talent and capability,” after a year of the administration cutting a significant number of cyber positions in the federal government. “We will eliminate roadblocks that prevent industry, academia, government, and the military from aligning incentives and building a highly skilled cyber workforce,” it states.

Some positive reviews rolled in about the strategy despite the late-Friday afternoon release, traditionally the time of week when an administration looks to publish news it hopes will garner little attention.

“As new and more sophisticated threats emerge, America needed a new national cyber strategy that captures the urgency of this moment,” USTelecom President and CEO Jonathan Spalter said in a news release. “The President’s strategy rightly recognizes that harnessing America’s unique mix of private-sector innovation with public-sector capacity is the best deterrence.”

Frank Cilluffo, Director of the McCrary Institute for Cyber and Critical Infrastructure Security at Auburn University, was struck by the focus on deterrence: “This unified strategy determining a direction on offensive and defensive cyber operations and collaboration couldn’t be more timely.”

The Business Software Alliance cheered the call for streamlining cyber regulations, in particular.

A number of cyber vendors took note of the passages on AI. “Redirecting resources from paperwork to AI-powered security capabilities is the only way to keep pace with modern threats and adversaries who operate at great speed,” said Bill Wright, global head of government affairs at Elastic. “This strategy appears to recognize that fundamental truth.”

Not all the reviews were flattering, however, including from the top Democrat on the House Homeland Security Committee, Bennie Thompson, who said the strategy’s “underachieving” was the only thing impressive about it.

“What little ‘substance’ does exist in this pamphlet is a mishmash of vague platitudes, a long catalogue of ‘we will’ statements that may or may not match the Administration’s current behavior, and, mercifully, an apparent extension of some Biden-era policies,” he said. “Completely lacking is even the most basic blueprint for how the Administration will go about achieving any of its cybersecurity goals — an objective possibly hamstrung by the hemorrhage in cyber talent across all Federal agencies since Trump took office.”

The executive order Trump signed Friday coincides with the release of the strategy but there’s little overlap between the subject matter; the strategy makes one mention of cybercrime.

The order directs the attorney general to prioritize prosecution of cybercrime and fraud, orders agencies to review tools that they could use to counter international criminal organizations and  gives the Department of Homeland Security marching orders to improve training, in addition to other steps, according to a fact sheet.

“President Trump is unleashing every available tool to stop foreign-backed criminal networks that exploit vulnerable Americans through cyber-enabled fraud and extortion,” the fact sheet states.

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