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One House Democrat is pressing Commerce on the government’s spyware use

A House Democrat who’s been at the forefront of congressional efforts to scrutinize the federal government’s use of commercial spyware wants the Commerce Department to brief Capitol Hill amid apprehension that the Trump administration might further embrace the technology.

Rep. Summer Lee, D-Pa., sent a letter to the department Thursday seeking a briefing on several developments stemming from Immigration and Customs Enforcement acknowledging its use of Paragon’s Graphite spyware, as well as an American company purchasing a controlling stake in Israel’s NSO Group. The Commerce Department sanctioned NSO Group under former President Joe Biden after widespread abuse allegations, including eavesdropping on government officials, activists and journalists.

“The Trump Administration appears to be broadly receptive to using commercial spyware to infiltrate cell phones and allowing U.S. investment in sanctioned spyware companies like NSO Group,” Lee wrote in her letter to Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick, which CyberScoop is first reporting.

NSO Group’s new executive chairman, David Friedman, is a former Trump ambassador to Israel and was his bankruptcy attorney. He has said in November that he expects the administration will be “receptive” to using NSO Group tech.

“Given those close ties between NSO Group and the Trump Administration, and the serious concerns about how NSO’s technology could be used to spy on Americans, we write to request information regarding the purchase of NSO Group by an American company and the potential usage of NSO Group spyware by federal law enforcement,” wrote Lee, who sits on the Oversight and Government Reform panel and is the top Democrat on its Federal Law Enforcement Subcommittee.

Lee was one of the authors of a recent Democratic letter seeking confirmation of ICE’s use of Paragon’s Graphite, which ICE acknowledged. But they criticized the administration for not answering all their questions, in addition to being outraged.

In her latest letter, Lee asked the Commerce Department to brief Oversight and Government Reform Committee staff about internal department deliberations, Commerce communication with the White House and any outside conversations — including with Friedman — about government use of NSO Group technology or any other commercial spyware, and American investment in NSO.

NSO Group “appears to view the Trump administration as friendly to its interests in the United States, pitching itself as a vital tool for the U.S. government to safeguard national security,” Lee wrote, citing company court filings that it “is reasonably foreseeable that a law enforcement or intelligence agency of the United States will use Pegasus.”

The Biden administration sanctions, and court losses in a case against Meta, represented setbacks for NSO Group’s ambitions. And prior to the U.S. investment firm controlling stake purchase last fall, the Commerce Department under Trump rebuffed efforts to remove NSO Group from its sanctions list.

But the tens of millions of dollars worth of investment, following news that Israel had used Pegasus to track people kidnapped or murdered by Hamas, was a boon.

NSO Group maintains that its products are designed only to help law enforcement and intelligence fight terrorism and crime, and that it vets its customers in advance as well as investigates misuse. News accounts and other investigations have turned up a multitude of abuses.

There have been scattered reports of U.S. flirtation with using NSO Group technology. The FBI acknowledged it had bought a Pegasus license, but stopped short of deploying it. The Times of London reported that “it is believed” the Central Intelligence Agency used Pegasus spyware as part of a rescue mission last month for a U.S. airman downed in Iran.

You can read the full letter below.

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FCC tightens KYC rules for telecoms, closes loophole for banned foreign services

The Federal Communications Commission approved new regulations Wednesday designed to crack down on robocalling, protect telecommunications networks from cyberattacks and further vet equipment-testing labs based overseas.

Commissioners unanimously passed a measure to strengthen telecom companies’ “Know Your Customer” requirements for verifying callers’ identities. Among the potential solutions being considered are requiring telecoms to verify a customer’s name, address, government ID and alternative phone numbers prior to enabling their service.

In a statement ahead of the vote, FCC Chair Brendan Carr said that under current rules some telecoms “do the bare minimum” to verify callers and have “become complicit in illegal robocalling schemes.”

“As we have continued to investigate the problem of illegal robocalls over the last year, it has become clear that some originating providers are not doing enough to vet their customers, allowing bad actors to infiltrate our U.S. phone networks,” he said.

Current rules require telecoms to take “affirmative, effective” measures to verify callers and block illegal calls, but in practice this system has largely relied on self-attestation from the companies. Because a single call can traverse multiple networks, carriers must also often rely on identity verification performed by other telecoms.

For example, the telecom that transmitted thousands of false robocalls imitating then-President Joe Biden during the 2024 New Hampshire presidential primary initially reported to the FCC that they had the highest level of confidence in the identity of those using the phone numbers. That turned out to be false, as the robocallers spoofed a well-known former state Democratic Party official.

Unsurprisingly, the commission is also interested in finding ways to better enforce Know Your Customer rules, including tying penalties to the number of illegal calls that were placed.

Since 1999, the FCC has traditionally granted blanket authorization for domestic carriers to operate interstate telecommunications services within U.S. borders. Another rule passed by the commission today would formally end that practice for foreign companies on the FCC’s covered entity list.  

The list bans a small number of foreign companies based in Russia or China from selling their equipment in the U.S. on national security grounds, but Carr said equipment from those companies often wind up in U.S. products by providing services that don’t fall under the current legal definition of international telecommunications authority.

Commissioner Olivia Trusty, who helped lead the development of the rule, said cybersecurity threats facing telecom networks today “exceed those of any recent era” and that updates must be made to modernize and harden networks.

“In response to these growing hostilities, it is imperative that we re-examine policies that permit access to U.S. networks to ensure that frameworks originally designed to promote economic growth are not exploited in ways that jeopardize our national and economic security,” Trusty said in a statement after the vote passed.

The FCC also passed a third measure that would refuse to recognize any testing or equipment lab based overseas that does not have a reciprocity agreement in place with U.S.-based labs. The rule builds off efforts last year to prohibit telecoms from relying on testing and certification labs that are owned or operated by foreign adversarial countries like China or Russia, which led to the FCC withdrawing or denying certification of 23 overseas labs.

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Congress kicks the can down the road on surveillance law (again)

Congress extended a controversial surveillance law for 45 days on Thursday, hours before its latest expiration following an earlier extension.

The Senate passed — then the House cleared — a 45-day extension of Section 702 of the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act, which authorizes warrantless surveillance of foreign targets. But those targets are sometimes communicating electronically with Americans, and intelligence officials can search the database using their identifying information, which has long given privacy groups and privacy-minded lawmakers heartburn.

The 45-day reprieve gives lawmakers more time to hammer out a lasting deal, and comes after the leaders of the Senate Intelligence Committee agreed to send a letter to the Director of National Intelligence and attorney general, seeking swift declassification of a letter on a classified ruling from the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court.

Sen. Ron Wyden, D-Ore., had sought release of that opinion, and had resisted giving unanimous consent for the latest short-term extension to move forward until Senate Intelligence Chairman Tom Cotton, R-Ark., and top panel Democrat Mark Warner of Virginia agreed to send the letter.

A declassification review was already underway, but the Cotton-Warner letter states that “We expect that this declassification review will be completed and the FISC opinion released publicly within 15 days,” according to Wyden, speaking on the Senate floor.

The March 17 opinion reportedly came with annual recertification of the warrantless surveillance program. The Justice Department is appealing that ruling because it blocked them from using certain tools to analyze communications.

“A few weeks ago, the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court found major compliance problems related to the surveillance law known as section 702,” Wyden said earlier this month. “These compliance problems are directly related to Americans’ Constitutional rights.”

Senate Majority Leader John Thune, R-S.D., said the extension will give lawmakers additional room to hold “discussion on reforms.”

The House this week had passed a 3-year reauthorization with some changes to the surveillance program, but key to doing so was leadership’s agreement to attach legislative language on a separate matter that would ban a central bank digital currency. Thune had said that language was going nowhere in the Senate.

On Thursday, the House voted 261-111 to extend the law for 45 days. President Donald Trump has sought a “clean” 18-month reauthorization of the surveillance powers.

The extension continues a perennial ritual for the Hill when it comes to Section 702: A deadline looms, and Congress kicks the can down the road repeatedly.

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Congress, industry ponder government posture for protecting data centers

The growth of data centers — and adversaries’ targeting of them — left lawmakers at a hearing Wednesday contemplating whether the federal government has the right setup for defending them.

Some industry witnesses and experts at the hearing of the House Homeland Security Subcommittee on Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Protection testified that the answer might be to give data centers their own standalone designation as a critical infrastructure sector.

The question of how to secure data centers against cyber and physical attacks coincides with artificial intelligence fuelling a boom in the building of such facilities across the United States. Last month, Iranian drones targeted two Amazon data centers in response to the U.S.-Israel bombing campaign on Iran, and a third data center in Bahrain was struck as well.

“If a major data center is attacked, disrupted, or taken offline, the consequences can reach far beyond one company or one sector,” Rep. Andy Ogles, R-Tenn., said in prepared opening remarks. “Yet our current framework does not provide a clear, unified approach to data center security. It does not clearly answer which federal agency is responsible for understanding the risk, coordinating with industry, or leading the response when this infrastructure is targeted.”

Three providers account for 63 percent of the market share of data centers: Amazon Web Services, Microsoft Azure and Google Cloud Platform. 

The United Kingdom already has deemed data centers as a standalone critical infrastructure sector. Reps. Vince Fong, R-Calif., and LaMonica McIver, D-N.J., asked panel witnesses Wednesday about federal protection of them.

“Given the scrutiny that is required to make sure that those data centers are secure, there would be a benefit in having them work together as a unique coordinating council,” said Robert Mayer, senior vice president for cybersecurity and innovation at USTelecom, an industry group.

The Foundation for Defense of Democracies’ Mark Montgomery suggested a sector that combines data centers and cloud providers, given the overlap in ownership. The 2024 rewrite of a White House national security memo left some experts disappointed that it didn’t designate cloud computing as a critical infrastructure sector. 

Samuel Visner, chair of the board of directors of the Space Information Sharing and Analysis Center, said he agreed, given the role data centers are playing in the U.S. economy, military and other dependencies. “Finding a way to regard them as part of our critical infrastructure and protect them accordingly is sine qua non, absolutely necessary,” he said.

A fourth witness didn’t weigh in on the need for a separate critical infrastructure designation. But Scott Algeier, executive director of Information Technology Information Sharing and Analysis Center, said his organization had created a “special interest group” for data center providers.

“The data centers are integrated already into the critical infrastructure discussions,” he told the panel.

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Chinese national extradited to US for pandemic-era Silk Typhoon attacks

A Chinese national allegedly involved in a massive, pandemic-era attack spree that compromised nearly 13,000 U.S. organizations was extradited from Italy to the United States and formally charged in federal court, the Justice Department said Monday.

Xu Zewei and his co-conspirators are accused of exploiting a string of zero-day vulnerabilities in Microsoft Exchange Server to steal research on COVID-19 vaccines, treatment and testing during the initial wave and subsequent height of the pandemic.

His alleged crimes, directed by China’s intelligence services, were part of a broader espionage campaign known as HAFNIUM, which targeted infectious disease experts, law firms, universities, defense contractors and policy think tanks, according to an indictment filed against Xu and Zhang Yu, who remains at large. 

The China state-sponsored threat group behind those attacks against Microsoft customers, and many other vendors’ customers since, is now more widely known as Silk Typhoon.

“Xu will now answer for his alleged role in HAFNIUM, a group responsible for a vast intrusion campaign directed by China’s Ministry of State Security that compromised more than 12,700 U.S. organizations,” Brett Leatherman, assistant director of the FBI’s Cyber Division, said in a statement.

“He is one of many contractors the Chinese government uses to obscure its hand in cyber operations, and others who do the same face the same risk,” he added.

Xu allegedly committed the attacks while working for Shanghai Powerock Network, one of many companies that conducted attacks for China’s various intelligence services, according to court records.

Italian authorities arrested Xu at the United States’ request in Milan in July. His capture underscores a window of opportunity U.S. officials and allies can take when nation-state attackers travel to countries that cooperate with the United States.

Italy extradited Xu to the United States Saturday but didn’t release his extradition orders until Monday, Simona Candido, his attorney in Italy, told CyberScoop.

Officials said Monday marked Xu’s first appearance in the U.S. District Court for the Southern District of Texas. He is currently being held at a federal prison in Houston.

“We have pursued this moment across years and continents, and the message this office sends today is the same one we sent when we first unsealed this indictment: we will work to protect the American people,” John G.E. Marck, acting U.S. attorney for the Southern District of Texas, said in a statement.

Xu allegedly worked under the direction of China’s Ministry of State Security’s Shanghai State Security Bureau to break into U.S. organizations’ networks, steal data and implant webshells for persistent remote access. Officials also accuse Xu of stealing information regarding U.S. policymakers and government agencies from a global law firm with offices in Washington. 

Microsoft first warned customers about the HAFNIUM campaign in March 2021. The FBI and Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency followed soon after with a joint advisory about the widespread compromise of Microsoft Exchange Server. 

“Today’s law enforcement action demonstrates the real-world consequences of this state-led activity, which is fueled by a vast network of private companies operating under the direction of the Chinese government,” Aaron Shraberg, senior team lead of global intelligence at Flashpoint, told CyberScoop.

“Extraditing these individuals from countries in coordination with international law enforcement demonstrates a united stance on these actions, and the importance of bringing real-world consequences to China’s notorious targeting of not just the American people and their businesses, but individuals globally as well,” Shraberg added.

Xu is charged with conspiracy to commit wire fraud; two counts of wire fraud; conspiracy to cause damage to and obtain information by unauthorized access to protected computers, to commit wire fraud, and to commit identity theft; two counts of obtaining information by unauthorized access to protected computers; two counts of intentional damage to a protected computer; and aggravated identity theft. 

The 34-year-old faces up to 62 years in prison for his alleged crimes.

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Supreme Court justices skeptically question both sides in geofence surveillance case

Supreme Court justices lobbed sharp questions at both sides about the constitutionality of geofence warrants during oral arguments Monday in a case that could have broader implications for law enforcement collection of Americans’ data.

Chatrie v. The United States stems from the 2019 conviction of Okello Chatrie in a bank robbery, where authorities obtained location data from Google about people within a specific area at a specific time.

In questioning an attorney for the petitioner, Adam Unikowsky, a number of conservative justices — including Chief Justice John Roberts — asked why the government shouldn’t be allowed to access location data taken from a third party given that Chatrie had “opted-in” to share that data.

“I just don’t agree that one should have to flip off one’s location history as well as other cloud services to avoid government surveillance,” Unikowsky answered, raising whether the government was entitled to getting emails or calendar data that are also stored in the cloud. (Google has since moved location data to users’ individual devices.)

Some liberal justices, too, had skeptical questions for Unikowsky. “This identifies a place, a crime — a limited time frame, but a time frame,” Sonia Sotomayor said, referring to protections from open-ended searches under the Fourth Amendment. “So it’s not a general warrant in this historical sense.” But she also said that because location data follows users everywhere: “When the police are searching or asking for a search result, there’s no way to predict whether they’re going to invade your privacy.”

The line of questioning about how far a government request for bulk data can go continued from both conservative and liberal justices when it was the government’s turn to argue its position. Justices probed skeptically about what made emails or calendar data different, and whether the government could do a physical search of all of the lockers in a storage facility to find one gun they believed might be there.

It was an unusually long session for the Supreme Court, going two hours. A ruling could come in June or July. Predicting how a court will decide based on justices’ questions is famously fraught. Only one justice, Samuel Alito, hinted strongly at how he was likely to decide.

“I’m struggling to understand why we are here in this case, other than the fact that at least four of us voted to take it,” he said. He said he didn’t believe anything new of note could come out of the court based on lower court rulings during questioning of Unikowsky. “We are all free to write law review articles on this fascinating subject, but that seems like that’s what you’re asking for.”

Orin Kerr, a Stanford University law professor who filed a friend of the court brief on the government’s side, said he believed based on the oral arguments that the court will say geofence warrants can be drafted lawfully.

“The Justices seem likely to reject the broader argument Chatrie made about the lawfulness of the warrant,” he wrote on social media. “They’ll probably say the geofence warrants have to be limited in time and space.”

Casey Waughn, a privacy lawyer and senior associate at Armstrong Teasdale, was struck by the absence of a major focus on “third-party doctrine,” under which there’s no reasonable expectation of privacy when citizens give their information to an outside party like a bank. 

She also honed in on arguments Unikowsky made.

“His argument really gave two lines to go down for the judges, and one was that you have a property interest in your data on the cloud, and the other was that you have a reasonable expectation of privacy for your data on the cloud,” she told CyberScoop. “And historically, both of those avenues have been grounds on which the Court has found that …issue is protected under the Fourth Amendment, and therefore that the actions constituted a search. So I thought it was interesting that he went and kind of argued both of those lanes.”

Alan Butler, executive director of the Electronic Privacy Information Center that filed a friend of the court brief on the side of the petitioner, said the stakes in the case are high.

“Today’s arguments underscored that the Supreme Court is weighing one of the most consequential privacy questions of the digital age: whether the government can use sweeping location data searches to identify a suspect,” he said in a statement after the arguments. “The Court should hold that the Constitution protects our digital data even when it is stored by an app or cloud provider. The Court should ensure that the highly sensitive records generated by our phones cannot be obtained without particularized suspicion and close judicial oversight.” 

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Senators seek answers about hackers obtaining sensitive student data from ostensibly anonymous tip line

A bipartisan pair of senators want a company that operates a tip line for anonymously reporting school safety concerns to answer questions about hackers compromising sensitive student information.

Sens. Maggie Hassan, D-N.H., and Jim Banks, R-Ind., announced on Monday they’d sent a letter to the firm, Navigate360, about last month’s incident.

“We write to express significant concern about the risks to students, staff, and schools from a recent cyberattack on your company’s P3 Global Intel tip line,” they said in the April 24 letter. “We are particularly concerned by reports that the cyberattack exploited platform vulnerabilities in order to steal students’ highly sensitive personally identifiable information. We urge you to provide the public clarity regarding what data was stolen, how Navigate360 is responding, and what safeguards Navigate360 will put into place to prevent this from happening again.”

According to the company, more than 30,000 schools and 5,000 public safety agencies use Navigate360’s products. Hackers claimed to purloin 93 gigabytes of data from the firm.

“Your company markets its product as an anonymous tip line,” Hassan and Banks said. “However, the personally identifiable information recently released by the hackers suggests otherwise. This puts the safety of students at risk and undermines public trust in using such platforms to report suspicious activity. Education and school safety experts have expressed concerns that, without guaranteed anonymity, students will choose not to report safety concerns.”

At the time of the alleged breach, Navigate360 CEO JP Guilbault said the company was working to determine if there was an incident and if there was, its extent. He did not confirm that sensitive information was released. The company did not immediately respond to a request for comment on the senators’ letter Monday.

A whopping 82% of K-12 schools said they experienced a cyber incident between July 2023 and December 2024, according to a report from the Center for Internet Security. The scale of cyberattacks on schools expanded during COVID-19. Hackers seeking student information usually have a financial motive, such as holding the information for ransom.

The hackers in the Navigate360 case were apparently motivated by hacktivism.

“Remember folks, don’t do the dirty work for the pigs,” they wrote. “Investigating crime is their job, not yours. They don’t care about you, they want convictions and prisoners to fuel the for-profit prisons.”

Hassan and Banks’ specific questions for Navigate360 included inquiries about its cybersecurity practices, what data was compromised, whether the tip line is fully anonymous and what kind of help the company has provided to school districts.

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Latest spy power reauthorization bill leaves critics unimpressed

The latest attempt to re-up a controversial expiring surveillance law has failed to placate vocal critics on both the left and right of the political spectrum.

Two House votes failed last week to extend the spying powers under Section 702 of the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act (FISA) for 18 months without changes, leading to Congress instead passing a 10-day reauthorization. GOP leaders have been scrambling to find a bill they can pass since with the April 30 deadline approaching.

House Speaker Mike Johnson, R-La., introduced a bill Thursday to extend it for three years, with a section stating that government officials can’t use Section 702 to target Americans. Under Section 702, U.S. spies and law enforcement agencies can warrantlessly search electronic communications of foreign targets. But those targets are sometimes communicating with U.S. persons, and officials can search the communications database using their personal information.

But critics of the latest Johnson proposal say the language about targeting Americans is window dressing.

“On the whole, it is an empty-calories bill and nothing more that does not engage in reform,” Jake Laperruque, deputy director of the center’s security and surveillance project at the Center for Democracy and Technology, said in a call with reporters Friday.

Civil liberties groups have long called for a warrant requirement for U.S. person-based searches.

“It doesn’t require a warrant or any kind of court process for U.S. person searches,” said Kia Hamadanchy, senior policy counsel for the American Civil Liberties Union’s political advocacy division. “The main reform just restates existing law… . It’s also completely irrelevant to the issue at hand, because backdoor searches have never been the product of the government intentionally targeting U.S. persons under 702. The problem is that they are incidentally collecting U.S. person communications and searching the communications of Americans.”

Gene Schaerr, general counsel of the conservative Project for Privacy and Surveillance Accountability, called the proposal “smoke and mirrors.”

The legislation did win over at least one key lawmaker, however: Rep. Warren Davidson, who had earlier introduced an amendment to attach a ban on the government buying American’s information from third-party data brokers, and who was a chief co-sponsor of legislation requiring a warrant for U.S. person searches under Section 702.

“Collectively, this set of reforms provides robust privacy protections for American citizens. Congress should bank this win and reauthorize Section 702,” Davidson said on X. “Then, we should swiftly begin gutting the unmitigated surveillance state left growing unchecked during these 702 fights.”

But it doesn’t look like it has yet won over enough conservative House Freedom Caucus members, and few Democrats have been on board with Johnson’s plans.

Rep. Ted Lieu, D-Calif., indicated on X in harsh terms that he doesn’t trust FBI Director Kash Patel with current Section 702 powers.

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Lawmakers ponder terrorism designations, homicide charges over hospital ransomware attacks

Lawmakers at a hearing Tuesday explored ways to beef up punishments for ransomware attacks against hospitals, possibly by labeling them as more severe crimes.

One proposal floated at the House Homeland Security Committee hearing, to treat ransomware attacks as terrorism, is an idea Congress has flirted with before. Another would be to press prosecutors to pursue homicide charges in attacks on hospitals where death resulted — something German authorities also once pondered.

A former top FBI cyber official, Cynthia Kaiser, put forward both ideas at the hearing, a joint meeting of the subcommittees on Border Security and Enforcement and Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Protection on cybercrime, drawing questions and interest from members.

“I believe there are no penalties too severe for individuals that would target our health care system,” said Mississippi Rep. Michael Guest, chair of the border subcommittee, whose home state of Mississippi’s health care clinics closed following a February ransomware attack.

The suggestions stem from a growing focus by ransomware attackers on the health care sector, with incidents doubling from 238 in 2024 to 460 in 2025 according to FBI statistics, making it the top targeted sector.

Kaiser, now senior vice of the Halcyon ransomware research center, said terrorism designations from the State, Treasury and Justice departments could lead to further sanctions, restricted travel and other punishments. Justice Department guidance on homicide charges could clarify its authorities, she said.

“It sounds like the language is there, it just has not been applied in these circumstances,” said Rep. Lou Correa of California, the top Democrat on Guest’s subpanel.

The notion of more closely entwining cyberattacks and terrorism is something both Congress and the executive branch have examined recently.

The fiscal 2025 Senate intelligence authorization bill would have directly linked ransomware to terrorism, although the final version of the bill that became law was less explicit than the original Senate language. The Treasury Department last month asked for public feedback on changing a terrorism risk insurance program to address cyber-related losses.

A University of Minnesota study from 2023 estimated that hospital ransomware attacks were responsible for dozens of deaths of Medicare patients. German authorities in 2020 opened a negligent homicide investigation following a death in the aftermath of a ransomware attack, but ultimately decided against charges.

The Trump administration’s national cyber strategy advocates for taking a more offensive approach to hackers. It released an executive order on cybercrime and fraud the same day it published the strategy. Kaiser said the proposals are in line with those approaches.

Hackers know their attacks could end lives, she said. “They have simply decided these deaths are someone else’s problem,” Kaiser said.

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The surveillance law Congress can’t quit — and can’t explain

Congress is grappling with renewal of a surveillance law set to expire at the end of this month that critics say is a mystery on how much of a difference it has made for controversial government spying authorities — for better or worse.

The 2024 law reauthorized so-called Section 702 powers of the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act (FISA), which authorizes warrantless surveillance of electronic communications of foreign targets. Most controversially, the law allows U.S. officials to search (“query”) those communications databases using Americans’ personal information, as long as the American is  in contact with someone overseas, which raises significant privacy concerns.

Backers of the 2024 law, known as the Reforming Intelligence and Securing America Act (RISAA), point to 56 changes it made to deal with criticisms of Section 702, following a period where abuses came to light, including hundreds of thousands of improper searches. At the same time, the law made changes that some feared could actually expand Section 702 powers.

The House voted to extend the law as-is for 10 days early Friday. The Senate then did the same. The Trump administration has sought a 180-day “clean” reauthorization.

As Congress weighs potential extensions of the 2024 law without making changes to it, “I don’t think we know” what good has come of it, said Elizabeth Goitein, senior director of the Brennan Center for Justice’s liberty and national security program. By the same token, it’s difficult to know whether some of the expansion fears have come to fruition, she said: “We don’t have reliable information on this.”

Added Jake Laperruque of the Center for Democracy and Technology: “There’s a lot of black boxes here.”

Examining Past Changes

Both Goitein and Laperruque are skeptical of any positive change from RISAA, though, and have long advocated for a warrant requirement for U.S. person searches. Intelligence agencies have resisted that addition, claiming that it would dramatically slow down time-sensitive national security investigations.

By contrast, Glenn Gerstell, former general counsel at the National Security Agency, said RISAA constituted “the most significant set of reforms to the statute since its adoption in 2008.” and that “those reforms have had a dramatic effect.” 

One major point of dispute is to what degree the number of U.S. person searches dropped, particularly because of a conclusion in last year’s Justice Department inspector general report finding that an “advanced filtering tool generated queries that were not tracked by the FBI.” 

As the report outlines, an FBI system has an “‘advanced filter function’ that allows users to select a specific FBI casefile number or ‘facility’ (e.g., a phone number or email address), using a drop-down menu or search bar, to review communications with targeted facilities.

“This functionality enables users to select from lists of ‘participants’ in communication with targeted facilities and review communications of those participants.In or around August 2024,” the report continues. The National Security Division of the Justice Department “became aware of the participants filter function in [the system] and was concerned that searches conducted through use of the participants filter constituted separate queries that must satisfy the query standard and comply with all query procedural requirements.”

By the intelligence community’s count, the number of U.S. person searches has otherwise mostly declined even going back to before the 2024 law’s passage: 119,383 in 2022, 57,094 in 2023, 5,518 in 2024 and 7,413 in 2025.

“It is quite clear that the searches that were run using this filter function met the statutory definition of queries, and yet the FBI for some significant period of time decided to not count them as queries,” Goitein said.

Laperruque, deputy director of CDT’s security and surveillance project, said an audit mandate in the 2024 law was potentially useful, but hasn’t proven to be in reality.

“At least it should mean that it should help try to detect abuse if it is happening,” he said. “The problem there, though, is you’re still relying on the FBI to properly log all of its quarries and hand them over for DOJ to be checked, which hasn’t happened. You’re trusting DOJ and the executive to engage in self-policing, and that’s something where folks rightfully have a lot of skepticism based on how DOJ has conducted itself recently.”

Gerstell, a senior adviser at the Center for Strategic and International Studies, points to numerous reviews — including a staff report from the Privacy and Civil Liberties Oversight Board (PCLOB) — that indicate a drop in U.S. person searches. It’s the biggest change of RISAA, he said.

“The most significant one is a very substantial drop in the number of queries of the database for U.S. person information, which has been a big focus for privacy advocates, and there’s been a dramatic drop, so much so that both the Inspector General for the Department of Justice and the staff of the PCLOB have said, ‘I wonder if we’re overdoing it.’ … Every single one of them presents those numbers, without caveat.”

On the advanced filter function count, Gerstell acknowledged the ambiguity, but referred to reports that said, as he summarized, “If they had been considered queries, it appears that most would have been compliant anyway… because they were a subset of something that was already compliant. But we don’t know if any of them were noncompliant, and we don’t have the data.”

On the other side of the RISAA debate, critics argued that its revised definition of “electronic communications service provider” could dramatically expand surveillance to include businesses like coffee shops or landlords. The reported, but formally undisclosed, real target of the change was data centers.

“That was a pretty big expansion with a lot of potential abuse,” Laperruque said. But “we don’t really know much about how it’s changed” anything, he said.

Virginia Sen. Mark Warner, the top Democrat on the Intelligence Committee, sought to advance clarifying language about that subject after RISAA’s passage, and the Biden administration said it would confine the provision’s use to the kind of undisclosed businesses that prompted the provision in the first place. Laperreque noted that the Trump administration has made no such promises, and Warner’s clarifying language never became law.

The Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court (FISC) has issued its annual opinion re-certifying the Section 702 program for another year. However, the court reportedly took issue with the program’s f filtering systems, saying that when such a system is used to look for information on Americans it must be counted as a query, subjecting it to additional restrictions. The Trump administration plans to appeal the ruling.

Other critiques of the 2024 law include that many of its biggest changes weren’t changes at all, but instead codifications of changes that then-FBI Director Christopher Wray had implemented. Abuses continued after those changes, Goitein said.

Gerstell said enshrining those changes into law wasn’t a bad thing. “The statute expressly codified some but not all of Wray reforms — and some went beyond that in many ways,” he said. Those changes included requiring FBI deputy director approval of U.S. person queries that target elected officials, government appointees, political candidates or organizations, or media. Those were some of the more criticized prior targeting abuses.

The fight still ahead

Republicans remain divided over extending the law. Some who had reservations about a clean reauthorization have come on board, such as Senate Judiciary Chairman Chuck Grassley, R-Iowa, who had taken issue with limitations on congressional attendance of FISC proceedings but since has had that concern resolved.

Others may have been swayed by direct lobbying from the Trump administration, including a social media post from Trump himself this week, where he wrote, “I am willing to risk the giving up of my Rights and Privileges as a Citizen for our Great Military and Country!” Still others have had their position against a clean extension hardened by the FISC court opinion and additional concerns.

Other issues have become enmeshed in the reauthorization debate, such as calls to block government agencies from purchasing information from data brokers. But “this has nothing to do with this authority,” said George Barnes, former deputy director of the NSA. 

But lawmakers of both parties have complained for months that the administration was silent for too long as the law’s expiration loomed.

Only recently did the Trump administration share new examples of the law’s successes, including that it had thwarted a 2024 terrorist attack on a Taylor Swift concert. Barnes said releasing such examples might offer a public case for the law, but has its downsides, too.

“I was always understanding but frustrated by the need to release examples just because they choreographed to the adversary what we could do,” said Barnes, now Red Cell’s cyber practice president. 

Reauthorizing Section 702 is urgent, though, for cybersecurity purposes, he said.

“A lot of the impact that I saw the authority having over my time was in cybersecurity as well,” he said. “And so when you have foreign entities that are targeting the U.S., or U.S. interests overseas, that authority can be positioned to help eliminate those activities.”

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Executive orders likely ahead in next steps for national cyber strategy

National Cyber Director Sean Cairncross expects more executive orders coming from the White House as part of implementing the national cybersecurity strategy, he said Wednesday.

Staffers on Capitol Hill and others in the cyber world have been awaiting the implementation guidance the Trump administration had proclaimed would come to accompany the strategy  published last month.

Asked at a Semafor event about whether that would include executive orders, Cairncross answered, “I think that that’s the case.”

The administration released an executive order on fraud the same day it released its cyber strategy on March 6. Some of that order touched on cybercrime.

“This is rolling forward actively, and you should expect that there will be more execution and action in line with our strategic goals,” he said.

Cairncross cited another administration activity that fit into the strategy, such as the first conviction last week under the Take It Down Act, a law First Lady Melania Trump advocated for that seeks to combat non-consensual AI-generated sexually explicit images, violent threats and cyberstalking.

He declined to preview any future implementation plans, and said he expected they would be coming “relatively soon.”

A centerpiece of the administration strategy is confronting adversaries to make sure they suffer consequences for their hacking of United States targets.

Cairncross wouldn’t say explicitly if Trump, in his visit to Beijing next month, would address Chinese hacking.

“When we start to see things like prepositioning on critical infrastructure, that is something that needs to be addressed,” he said. Pressed on whether that meant cyber would be on the agenda during the visit, Caincross said, “I would expect that the safety and security of the American people will be first and foremost, as it always is for the president.”

Cairncross touted American ingenuity for producing an artificial intelligence model like Anthropic’s Claude Mythos, rather than it developing under U.S. cyber rivals like China or Russia. He acknowledged reports about the administration holding meetings about the cyber risks and benefits of something like Mythos — “the model right now that everyone’s talking about” — adding that the administration is looking to balance the dangers and positive capabilities of AI in cyberspace.

“I would say from the White House perspective, we are working very closely with industry,” Cairncross said. “We’ve been in close collaboration with the model companies across the interagency to make sure that we are evaluating and doing this.”

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We’re only seeing the tip of the chip-smuggling iceberg

Last year, Nvidia CEO Jensen Huang repeatedly denied that China was obtaining America’s most advanced chips. ‘There’s no evidence of any AI chip diversion,’ he said, dismissing such reports on another occasion as ‘tall tales.’

Federal prosecutors would beg to differ. They’ve charged six men over the past three weeks with smuggling billions of dollars’ worth of AI chips to China. The indictments, while a tactical victory, are a warning of how pervasive the problem has become, thanks both to loopholes in federal law and a failure to support existing laws with serious enforcement.

Both Washington and Beijing have tried to reshape AI chip supply chains to bolster their respective national security agendas ahead of an expected trade-focused summit in May. While the United States has imposed export controls on advanced chips to cut off China’s military modernization efforts, China has pushed its firms to adopt domestically produced components to secure its self-reliance.

But neither side can fully avoid the Willie Sutton rule. Why smuggle chips? Because that’s where the profit is — particularly without enough resources dedicated to enforcement. 

A closed Chinese market grasping for more powerful alternatives to their own products offers a prime incentive for American firms to provide components to Beijing. Smuggling has also transformed an emerging network of data center infrastructure across Southeast Asia into a source of illicit computing power for U.S. adversaries.

The recent cases highlight these features in detail. In March, prosecutors charged three people connected to Super Micro Computer, an American computing firm, with smuggling an estimated $2.5 billion in chips to Chinese customers by shipping servers to the company’s offices in Taiwan and elsewhere in the region. In the meantime, the trio designed warehouses full of fake products to fool U.S. authorities. A week later, prosecutors unveiled charges against another three individuals accused of conspiring to ship advanced chips to China via business contacts in Thailand.

This string of prosecutions suggests that despite some high-profile successes, smuggling remains a pervasive issue across the industry. While this is partially a problem of professed ignorance, it can also be solved with a combination of policy, personnel, and policing. 

The United States must strengthen controls over emerging technologies at the factory floor rather than the airport gate. While Washington has strong export control laws, these regulations are intended to prevent components from leaving the country. They do not, however, block Chinese firms from purchasing these technologies inside the country.

This divergence in intentions produces difficulties for prosecution, as smugglers are often solely indicted for evading customs enforcement rather than charged with illicitly obtaining the components while still on American soil. However, Congress can close this loophole via stronger due diligence laws that require greater scrutiny of potential customers ahead of the customs enforcement process.

Washington is also in an arms race with AI firms to properly fund enforcement mechanisms, a race it is currently losing. While one smuggling case alone involved $2.5 billion, federal spending on policing export controls amounted to $122 million in all of 2025.

Moreover, this surge of investment in computer hardware is increasingly global in scope, magnifying the current shortage of federal agents responsible for enforcing export controls at the exact moment both allies and adversaries are seeking to purchase ever larger batches of advanced chips.

Even with stronger policies and more personnel, prosecuting AI chip smuggling must also remain a policing priority for federal law enforcement. While these cases are often complex due to a range of technical and jurisdiction challenges, as well as an array of shifting export control regimes, the FBI and the Commerce Department should remain committed to tracking and disrupting these smuggling networks.

It will be key for the administration to separate enforcement actions from its ongoing diplomatic exchanges with Beijing — dropping domestic prosecutions should not be used as a bargaining chip to deliver trade concessions during the President Donald Trump’s upcoming travels to Beijing.

We need stronger enforcement so that the next billion-dollar smuggling case marks real progress, rather than exposing just how much slipped through.

Jack Burnham is a senior research analyst at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies’ China Program, focusing on China’s military, emerging technologies, and science and technology policy. Follow Jack on X @JackBurnham802.

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Trump budget proposal would cut hundreds of millions more from CISA

President Donald Trump’s fiscal 2027 budget would slash the Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency’s total by $707 million, according to a summary released Friday, which would deeply chop down an agency that already took a big hit in Trump’s first year.

Another budget document suggests a smaller — but still substantial — hit of $361 million, with the discrepancy possibly due to the comparison points amid budget uncertainty for CISA’s parent agency, the Department of Homeland Security. DHS and CISA did not immediately respond to a request for clarification.

“At the time the Budget was prepared, the 2026 appropriations bill for the Department of Homeland Security was not enacted, and funding provided by the last continuing resolution it had been operating under (Continuing Appropriations Act, 2026, division A of Public Law 119-37, as amended by division H of Public Law 119-75) had lapsed,” the budget summary notes. “References to 2026 spending in the text and tables for programs and activities normally provided for in the full-year appropriations bill reflect the annualized level provided by the last continuing resolution.”

By either measurement, the proposed budget would cut deeply into an agency that started the Trump administration at roughly $3 billion, and would be substantially below that if Congress enacts the latest blueprint. The budget appendix says CISA would end up with slightly more than $2 billion in discretionary funding under Trump’s plan. For fiscal 2026, appropriators sought to mitigate some of Trump’s proposed CISA reductions.

The 2027 budget summary recycles identical language from the 2026 budget summary, and makes references to ending programs that CISA has already shuttered.

“The Budget refocuses CISA on its core mission — Federal network defense and enhancing the security and resilience of critical infrastructure — while eliminating weaponization and waste,” the summary states in both the 2026 and 2027 documents.

It makes references to getting rid of things that have already been cut, like “external engagement offices such as council management, stakeholder engagement, and international affairs.” It talks about ending programs focused on censorship, something CISA under the Biden administration said it never had, and on “so-called” misinformation, which CISA said it ended during the former president’s term.

Mississippi Rep. Bennie Thompson, the top Democrat on the House Homeland Security Committee, criticized the budget proposal for CISA.

“Like the President’s cyber strategy, the President’s CISA budget reflects his utter lack of understanding of the urgency of the cyber threats we face and how to mobilize the government to help confront them,” he said in a statement to CyberScoop. “As of 2023, CISA was spending $2 million on countering information operations, an effort initially launched at the behest of Congressional Republicans during the first Trump Administration.

“There is nothing that justifies a reckless $700 million cut to CISA, particularly at a time of heightened tensions with Iran and an increasingly aggressive China,” he continued. “I am committed to working with my colleagues to push back against these cuts and ensure we can protect government and critical infrastructure networks.”

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Lawmakers renew push for Labor Department-backed cyber apprenticeship grants

With the country’s cybersecurity workforce still experiencing major shortages, a bipartisan, bicameral group of lawmakers is pushing to enlist the Department of Labor to help tackle the problem.

The Cyber Ready Workforce Act would direct the DOL to establish a grant program that supports the “creation, implementation, and expansion of registered apprenticeship programs in cybersecurity,” per a press release announcing the bill’s introduction this week.

“As cyberattacks become more common and complex, we need to ensure we have the workers with the training and skills necessary to protect our cyber infrastructure and Americans’ personal data,” Sen. Jacky Rosen, D-Nev., one of the bill’s co-sponsors, said in a statement. “This bipartisan legislation will help fill gaps in our cybersecurity workforce and will open the door to more good-paying, cutting edge jobs for Nevadans, regardless of whether or not they have a college degree.”

Another co-sponsor, Sen. Marsha Blackburn, said in a statement that the legislation would provide “targeted support” for businesses, colleges and nonprofits that need more cyber protections. The country’s “severe talent shortage” in cyber “poses a serious threat to our national security and economic growth,” the Tennessee Republican said.

The introduction of the legislation Tuesday isn’t Rosen and Blackburn’s first bite at the apple, but previous efforts stalled out in the Senate. This time around, the senators added a pair of House co-sponsors — Reps. Susie Lee, D-Nev., and Brian Fitzpatrick, R-Pa. — to the pitch. It also comes at a time when the Trump administration has directed the DOL to do more with apprenticeships and technology.

Lee said in a statement that in Nevada alone, there’s a shortage of 4,000 cybersecurity professionals. Some estimates put the nationwide cyber workforce deficit at nearly half a million jobs.

“Whether you know it or not, cybersecurity … impacts all of us, from our small businesses, to utility grids, to our national security. But we don’t have enough talent to fill these jobs.” Lee said. “This bill will help ensure that we don’t fall behind when it comes to cybersecurity, while putting Nevada at the forefront of the high-demand, high-impact, and high-paying jobs of the future.”

According to a fact sheet posted to Lee’s congressional website, the bill calls on the Labor Department to award grants to “workforce intermediaries” that will grow the number of registered cybersecurity apprenticeship programs. 

Grant funding should be used for developing curricula and providing technical instruction. It could also go toward marketing and recruitment programs, support services such as career counseling and mentorship, and assistance for things like transportation, housing and childcare costs.

The legislation also encourages grant recipients to connect and collaborate with workforce intermediaries in business, nonprofit and academic settings. Coordinating on resources in cyber apprenticeship programs should ensure federal investments aren’t going toward duplicative efforts, per the fact sheet. 

“The continued shortage of cybersecurity professionals has exposed our nation to severe vulnerabilities, threatening our economy and national security,” Fitzpatrick said in a statement. “Now, more than ever, a strong cybersecurity workforce is necessary to protect our interests at home and abroad.”

Addressing the cybersecurity workforce shortage has been a priority for many lawmakers over the past several years, with legislation seeking to establish cyber grants at two-year colleges and minority-serving institutions, create new federal cyber training programs, give money to CISA for minority recruitment efforts and more.

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White House executive order purports to limit mail-in voting, mandate federal voter lists 

President Donald Trump signed an executive order Tuesday that purports to limit mail-in voting, though critics say the move will almost certainly be challenged in court on constitutional grounds.

The order instructs the Homeland Security secretary, the director of U.S. Citizenship and Immigrations Services and the commissioner of the Social Security Administration to compile lists of American voters for each state, including their supposed citizenship status.

To build the lists, the agencies would rely on the controversial Systemic Alien Verification for Entitlements database that DHS has been building under the Trump administration, as well as Social Security and federal citizenship and naturalization records.

Those lists would then be transmitted to states, most of which have already rejected previous Trump administration efforts to collect voter data or dictate voter registration lists. The White House order instructs the Department of Justice to prioritize the investigation and prosecution of state and local officials or any others involved in the administration of federal elections who issue federal ballots to individuals not eligible to vote in a federal election.  

The order also directs the postmaster general to issue new proposed regulations that require mail-in ballots to be mailed in special envelopes that include barcodes for tracking. Crucially, it asks states ahead of time whether they intend to submit a list of voters eligible to vote by mail, and attempts to assert the authority to deny sending ballots to states that do not participate. It also claims the attorney general is entitled to withhold federal funding from noncompliant states.

The Trump administration’s previous efforts to aggressively assert executive branch authority over elections have been rebuffed by courts, with judges noting the U.S. Constitution explicitly empowers states and Congress to set the time, manner and place for elections. 

The order justifies White House involvement by claiming it has “an unavoidable duty” under Article II of the Constitution to maintain confidence in election outcomes by preventing violations of criminal law. But numerous post-election audits, investigations and recounts have consistently confirmed over decades that criminal non-citizen voting is infinitesimally rare in U.S. elections, and for the small number that did, most turn out to be accidents or decades-old administrative errors.

Criticism from election officials, experts and Democrats in Congress was swift.

Minnesota Secretary of State Steve Simon, who has resisted demands by the DOJ to hand over state voter data, predicted the order “will meet the same fate” as previous executive orders in being struck down by courts. Other secretaries of state have issued similar statements rejecting the order’s constitutionality. 

“Our office has helped stop his actions before and we are now exploring our legal options to stop this new order from taking effect,” Simon said in a statement to CyberScoop.

He also stumped for mail-in voting, calling it a secure, trustworthy and convenient way for citizens to exercise their rights to vote. Local election officials “track every ballot” sent by mail and have a range of checks and safeguards to ensure they’re sent to only eligible voters and that voters can only cast one ballot.

“Absentee voters who choose to vote by mail must provide a matching ID number, sign their signature envelope, and have a witness sign their ballot envelope before returning their ballot,” Simon said. “All of that information is tracked digitally by election administrators. Voters are able to track the status of their ballot using our online ballot tracker tool. Any attempt to register or cast a ballot while ineligible is referred for investigation and potential prosecution.”

Sen. Alex Padilla, D-Calif., called the order a “blatant, unconstitutional abuse of power” and said he expected “immediate” lawsuits challenging its legality.

“The President and the Department of Homeland Security have no authority to commandeer federal elections or direct the independent Postal Service to undermine mail and absentee voting that nearly 50 million Americans relied on in 2024,” Padilla said in a statement. “A decade of lies about election fraud does not change the Constitution.”

David Becker, executive director for the Center for Election Innovation and Research, said the administration’s latest mandates are so far outside the constitutional limits of the executive branch they will almost certainly be halted through lawsuits. 

“Some may freak out about this, but honestly, this is hilarious,” Becker wrote on Bluesky. “It’s clearly unconstitutional, will be blocked immediately, and the only thing it will accomplish is to make liberal lawyers wealthier. He might as well sign an EO banning gravity.”

However, while lower courts have consistently struck down previous orders and lawsuits from the White House, election experts have expressed concerns that the Supreme Court’s conservative majority — which has clashed with lower courts over the Trump administration’s constitutional authority — appeared receptive to the administration’s position in a recent oral argument.

Alexandra Chandler, director of the Free and Fair Elections program at nonprofit Protect Democracy, said in a statement that the White House order “is more like an attempted executive override” of state authority over elections.

“Meant to solve for a problem that exists only in the false rhetoric of the Trump administration and its political fortunes, the [order] is a classic example of their playbook to deceive the American people and disrupt the election process in order to deny any future results that don’t suit them,” Chandler said.

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Silent Drift: How LLMs Are Quietly Breaking Organizational Access Control

LLMs can write complex Rego and Cedar code in seconds, but a single missing condition or hallucinated attribute can quietly dismantle your organization’s least-privilege security model.

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ODNI tackles AI, threat hunting, app cybersecurity in year-one tech review

A year-long effort to strengthen cybersecurity and modernize tech at U.S. intelligence agencies has led to policy standards for using AI to bolster cyber defenses, a shared repository of all apps that have undergone a cybersecurity review and more, the Office of the Director of National Intelligence announced Thursday.

An unclassified summary of cyber and tech modernization work under the first year of DNI Tulsi Gabbard’s stewardship states that the office has expanded the automation of threat hunting across intelligence community networks. (The Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency conducts threat hunting across federal civilian agencies.)

The ODNI also has developed a zero-trust strategy that shifts “to a data-centric security model that protects information regardless of location or network,” according to the summary.

“Over the past year, we have taken meaningful steps to begin fulfilling that responsibility through the largest IC-wide technology investment and modernization effort in history,” Gabbard said in a news release. “President Trump’s Intelligence Community is moving faster and more decisively on cybersecurity modernization and investments in IT than ever before, delivering stronger defenses, greater efficiency, and real cost savings for the American people.”   

It constitutes the first significant cybersecurity announcement out of the office under Gabbard and the second Trump administration.

While the year-long effort began before the recent release of a national cyber strategy, the ODNI initiatives reflect many of its goals, including better protection of federal networks, advancing artificial intelligence for defensive purposes and going on offense against cyber adversaries.

The ODNI directed its National Counterintelligence and Security Center “to proactively combat foreign intelligence actors seeking to engage in cyber-attacks against U.S. interests,” according to the summary. 

The idea of an intelligence community repository of cybersecurity authorizations is to save both time and money, as it would allow agencies to capitalize on the testing of apps that other agencies have done without having to repeat them. 

On AI, the ODNI is “developing the policy framework, governance, and standards necessary to accelerate AI adoption for cybersecurity and other critical technology,” the summary states.

“Protecting our nation’s most sensitive information from those who seek to exploit it, while making sure our intelligence professionals have the tools and access they need to do their jobs, is not optional. It is essential to our national security,” Gabbard said. 

Gabbard’s appearance earlier this year during an FBI search of an elections office in Georgia has drawn congressional scrutiny, an appearance she has defended in part by citing her office’s role in coordinating and analyzing intelligence related to cybersecurity. Gabbard’s own personal cybersecurity practices prior to taking the job of DNI have also raised questions.

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Former NSA chiefs worry American offensive edge in cybersecurity is slipping

SAN FRANCISCO — Four former National Security Agency directors shared varying concerns about a lack of earnest and widespread response to growing threats in cyberspace during a discussion at the RSAC 2026 Conference on Tuesday.

Accelerating threats posed by artificial intelligence, China and cybercriminals at large are testing the country’s resolve and determination to foster meaningful public-private collaboration, the former commanders of U.S. Cyber Command said. 

While the four-star military officials remain confident in the country’s resources and people committed to defending the nation from cyberattacks, they voiced unease about challenges that could upend technological dominance and diminish a collective response to serious intrusions. 

“I think we’ve become numb to it,” retired Gen. Paul Nakasone said. “We continue to see these different intrusions, and intrusions have gotten to a size that the scale is just incredible to me.”

The nation and industry aren’t keeping up with adversaries amid a brain drain across the U.S. government,  the founding director of Vanderbilt University’s Institute of National Security said. 

“We’ve lost ground with regards to our outreach to the private sector” within the Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency, the Joint Cyber Defense Collaborative and NSA’s Cybersecurity Collaboration Center, Nakasone said. 

Retired U.S. Navy Admiral Mike Rogers also criticized the U.S. government for areas of inaction and decay. “I see a government that’s unwilling to expend political capital to really drive fundamental change in cyber, and it’s a reflection of the fact that politically we are so divided, and as a society we are so divided,” he said. 

“We’re the largest economy in the world. We don’t have a single federal privacy framework. We don’t have a single major piece of cyber legislation,” Rogers added. “That frustrates the hell out of me.”

Retired Gen. Keith Alexander, the first chief of U.S. Cyber Command, said the key players remain committed and are working as hard as ever to combat cyber threats. Yet, he’s concerned about what the nation is doing to confront China and all the ways it could inflict harm, particularly in the realm of AI.

“We will be challenged in this area. We will fight in this area, and it will be both the government and you all helping to protect this country to ensure that we live through it,” Alexander said.

The U.S. government’s collaborative efforts with private companies provides an incredible intelligence advantage, said retired Gen. Tim Haugh. But, he warned, China has replicated similar capabilities and pre-positioned itself inside critical infrastructure networks.

Under his leadership, Haugh said he tried to encourage debate among policymakers to consider more offensive responses to China’s malicious cyber activities, particularly actions that might be equivalent to effects that would occur in armed conflict. 

Frustration and mounting concern was palpable as the former NSA and U.S. Cyber Command bosses held court on stage together for the first time this week. 

“We’re starting to accept this, in some ways, as the price of living in the digital age. And we have not yet had a level of trauma that has driven fundamental behavioral change,” Rogers said. “We haven’t had thousands die. I hope we never do, don’t get me wrong, but it seems like we just haven’t had a level of pain that’s fundamentally shifted the calculus.”

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Google moves post-quantum encryption timeline up to 2029

Google is accelerating its timeline for migrating its products to quantum resistant encryption to 2029, the latest sign that tech leaders are worried that they haven’t been aggressive enough in planning for a post-quantum future.

In a blog posted Wednesday, vice president of security engineering Heather Adkins and senior staff cryptology engineer Sophie Schmieg said that Google and other tech companies have observed faster than expected advances in several quantum fields.

“This new timeline reflects migration needs for the PQC era in light of progress on quantum computing hardware development, quantum error correction, and quantum factoring resource estimates,” Adkins and Schmieg wrote.

Google is replacing outdated encryption across their devices, systems and data with new algorithms vetted by the National Institute for Standards and Technology. Those algorithms, developed over a decade by NIST and independent cryptologists, are designed to protect against future attacks from quantum computers.

While Google has said it is on track to migrate its own systems ahead of the 2035 timeline provided in NIST guidelines, last month leaders at the company teased an updated timeline for migration and called on private businesses and other entities to act more urgently to prepare.

Unlike the federal government, there is no mandate for private businesses to migrate to quantum-resistant encryption, or even that they do so at all. Adkins and Schmieg said the hope is that other businesses will view Google’s aggressive timeframe as a signal to follow suit.

“As a pioneer in both quantum and PQC, it’s our responsibility to lead by example and share an ambitious timeline,” they wrote. “By doing this, we hope to provide the clarity and urgency needed to accelerate digital transitions not only for Google, but also across the industry.”

Moving up Google’s internal timeline to 2029 – more ambitious than the U.S. federal government’s – is an attempt to get ahead of the problem. It also aligns with a growing belief among executives in the U.S. quantum sector, who say Chinese scientists and labs have achieved breakthroughs across several different fields of quantum computing over the past two years.

That too, is making U.S. tech policymakers anxious to more quickly implement newer encryption. Currently, the federal government is mandating that agencies switch over to quantum-resistant encryption by 2035, but CyberScoop reported last year that the White House has discussed the possibility of releasing its own executive order that would push agency timelines up to 2030 or sooner.

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