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One House Democrat is pressing Commerce on the government’s spyware use

7 May 2026 at 06:00

A House Democrat who’s been at the forefront of congressional efforts to scrutinize the federal government’s use of commercial spyware wants the Commerce Department to brief Capitol Hill amid apprehension that the Trump administration might further embrace the technology.

Rep. Summer Lee, D-Pa., sent a letter to the department Thursday seeking a briefing on several developments stemming from Immigration and Customs Enforcement acknowledging its use of Paragon’s Graphite spyware, as well as an American company purchasing a controlling stake in Israel’s NSO Group. The Commerce Department sanctioned NSO Group under former President Joe Biden after widespread abuse allegations, including eavesdropping on government officials, activists and journalists.

“The Trump Administration appears to be broadly receptive to using commercial spyware to infiltrate cell phones and allowing U.S. investment in sanctioned spyware companies like NSO Group,” Lee wrote in her letter to Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick, which CyberScoop is first reporting.

NSO Group’s new executive chairman, David Friedman, is a former Trump ambassador to Israel and was his bankruptcy attorney. He has said in November that he expects the administration will be “receptive” to using NSO Group tech.

“Given those close ties between NSO Group and the Trump Administration, and the serious concerns about how NSO’s technology could be used to spy on Americans, we write to request information regarding the purchase of NSO Group by an American company and the potential usage of NSO Group spyware by federal law enforcement,” wrote Lee, who sits on the Oversight and Government Reform panel and is the top Democrat on its Federal Law Enforcement Subcommittee.

Lee was one of the authors of a recent Democratic letter seeking confirmation of ICE’s use of Paragon’s Graphite, which ICE acknowledged. But they criticized the administration for not answering all their questions, in addition to being outraged.

In her latest letter, Lee asked the Commerce Department to brief Oversight and Government Reform Committee staff about internal department deliberations, Commerce communication with the White House and any outside conversations — including with Friedman — about government use of NSO Group technology or any other commercial spyware, and American investment in NSO.

NSO Group “appears to view the Trump administration as friendly to its interests in the United States, pitching itself as a vital tool for the U.S. government to safeguard national security,” Lee wrote, citing company court filings that it “is reasonably foreseeable that a law enforcement or intelligence agency of the United States will use Pegasus.”

The Biden administration sanctions, and court losses in a case against Meta, represented setbacks for NSO Group’s ambitions. And prior to the U.S. investment firm controlling stake purchase last fall, the Commerce Department under Trump rebuffed efforts to remove NSO Group from its sanctions list.

But the tens of millions of dollars worth of investment, following news that Israel had used Pegasus to track people kidnapped or murdered by Hamas, was a boon.

NSO Group maintains that its products are designed only to help law enforcement and intelligence fight terrorism and crime, and that it vets its customers in advance as well as investigates misuse. News accounts and other investigations have turned up a multitude of abuses.

There have been scattered reports of U.S. flirtation with using NSO Group technology. The FBI acknowledged it had bought a Pegasus license, but stopped short of deploying it. The Times of London reported that “it is believed” the Central Intelligence Agency used Pegasus spyware as part of a rescue mission last month for a U.S. airman downed in Iran.

You can read the full letter below.

The post One House Democrat is pressing Commerce on the government’s spyware use appeared first on CyberScoop.

House Dems decry confirmed ICE usage of Paragon spyware

2 April 2026 at 17:02

Immigration and Customs Enforcement has confirmed it is using Paragon spyware, prompting outrage Thursday from a trio of House Democrats.

In response to a letter from the lawmakers inquiring about Paragon’s use, acting ICE Director Todd Lyons wrote that he had authorized the use of “cutting-edge technological tools” to help the Homeland Security Investigations division fight fentanyl, particularly against organizations using encrypted communications. 

“Any use of the technology will comply with constitutional requirements and be coordinated with the ICE Office of the Principal Legal Advisor,” Lyons wrote Wednesday, without naming Paragon specifically. “Further, use of the technology will align with and support the Homeland Security Task Force’s strategic initiatives to identify, disrupt, and dismantle Foreign Terrorist Organizations, addressing the escalating fentanyl epidemic and safeguarding national security.”

But Democratic Reps. Summer Lee of Pennsylvania, Shontel Brown of Ohio and Yassamin Ansari of Arizona weren’t pleased with ICE’s answer.

“It’s outrageous that [the Department of Homeland Security] and ICE are using this spyware with no Congressional oversight and a complete lack of compliance standards,” they said in a joint statement shared with CyberScoop. “Given the track record of the Trump Administration, ICE’s feigned compliance with existing standards doesn’t mean much; we need to see proof and evidence of ironclad safeguards.

“That’s why we requested so much documentation, which they have completely failed to provide,” they continued. “House Democrats will continue to demand more information and hold ICE accountable for its abuses.”

Lyons wrote that he certified use of the technology, which he said complied with a 2023 executive order issued by then-President Joe Biden. That executive order requires certification that use of commercial spyware wouldn’t pose national security or counterintelligence risks, or create significant risks of improper use by a foreign government.

In 2024, the $2 million ICE contract with Paragon came under White House review. But last year, ICE lifted a stop-work order.

ICE didn’t immediately respond to a request for comment on the Democrats’ reaction. ICE’s use of surveillance technology has drawn concern from civil liberties groups.

Paragon’s Graphite technology has been found on the phones of journalists and there are suspected uses in a number of countries. WhatsApp last year said it had disrupted a campaign employing the spyware against its users.

The letter’s vague language on safeguards, combined with ICE’s stance on privacy, is concerning, said Cooper Quintin, a security researcher and senior public interest technologist with the Electronic Frontier Foundation’s Threat Lab.

“It leaves open the door for them to interpret that it is constitutional for them to use administrative subpoenas to use this malware in HSI investigations,” Quintin said.

Bloomberg first reported on Lyons’ letter.

This story was updated April 2, 2026, with comments from Quintin.

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Across party lines and industry, the verdict is the same: CISA is in trouble

25 February 2026 at 06:00

“Decimated.” 

“Amateur hour.”

“Pretty much fallen apart.”

“It’s really hard to find something positive to say right now.”

It’s been a little more than one year into the second Trump administration, and there’s a large consensus, if not total unanimity, among those who have worked with and for the Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency: It has suffered significantly during that time. 

CISA has lost roughly a third of its personnel and shuttered entire divisions. Observers across the political spectrum told CyberScoop for this story that even on its core missions, like coordinating with industry and protecting federal networks, the agency is significantly diminished.

Many sources that spoke with CyberScoop did so under the condition of anonymity, in order to be more candid or avoid retribution. They told CyberScoop that CISA’s biggest problems, and their consequences, include:

  • Trump’s ire over the 2020 election results has led to the agency being deprioritized within the administration. Congress has yet to approve the administration’s permanent pick to lead the agency, Sean Plankey, and lawmakers have failed to do other things to strengthen it. 
  • CISA’s capabilities have been significantly diminished by the loss of personnel, expertise and programs. 
  • In the absence of a permanent leader, Acting Director Madhu Gottumukkala has struggled to lead the agency. “I don’t think anybody would argue he’s doing a great job,” one industry source said.
  • Organizations that previously turned to CISA for help now seek alternatives, like industry alliances, outside consultants or government-to-government partnerships.

Where to assign blame varied from source to source. Most criticized both the administration and Congress, though some faulted one more than the other.

Some see bright spots in CISA under the current administration. And while many are pessimistic about the agency’s future, others expressed optimism.

But the first year reviews are not glowing.

“Year one was a tough year for the agency,” said House Homeland Security Committee Chairman Andrew Garbarino, R-N.Y. He noted that a “lot of the best and brightest have left the agency,” though he expressed optimism about Plankey’s ability to turn CISA around. “The amount of cyberattacks that our nation is seeing every day, both on the private side and on the federal government side — you want your best people there fighting against it, and if they’re somewhere else, it definitely leaves us all vulnerable.”

Said Mississippi Rep. Bennie Thompson, the top Democrat on Garbarino’s panel: “It’s tough to have a robust entity when you cut the money…we are weaker because of CISA’s lack of manpower.”

When priorities shifted

Trump has harbored animosity toward CISA since 2020, when it contradicted his false claims related to widespread electoral fraud. He and his allies built on that animosity, recommending in Project 2025 that the agency be dismantled, divided by its core responsibilities, and farmed out to other federal agencies. 

“There was uniquely a target on its back,” said one CISA official who left in 2025. That hostility came from some Republicans in Congress, especially Kentucky Sen. Rand Paul, who chairs the Senate Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs Committee.

Said Thompson: “CISA wasn’t politicized for the most part, until the Trump administration came along and accused them of somehow contributing to his [election] loss.”

CISA has lost substantial personnel, including veterans and whole teams. Some employees were transferred to other divisions in the Department of Homeland Security. Election security was quickly cut. Two information sharing and analysis centers (ISACs) that serve state and local governments lost funding. A division coordinating with foreign governments, businesses and state and local governments was effectively closed.

The agency has lost senior leaders in programs like counter-ransomware initiatives, threat hunting and secure software development. Contracts for things like detecting threats in critical infrastructure networks, tracking vulnerabilities and collaborating with industry teetered, albeit sometimes only temporarily. 

DHS has unraveled multiple programs in which CISA plays a key role, such as by dismissing members of the Cyber Safety Review Board and disbanding the Critical Infrastructure Partnership Advisory Council. Congress has lurched between letting both a key state and local cyber grant program and a cyber threat information sharing law lapse and temporarily re-upping them.

The departures and program changes likely haven’t ended, either. 

“It’s not a very harmonious place right now,” said one industry source. “I hear from people that are looking to leave.” Former CISA employees say those who remain either believe strongly in the mission, or are simply keeping their heads down until retirement from federal service.

“People I talk to say the morale is really low,” said James Lewis, distinguished fellow with the tech policy program at the Center for European Policy Analysis think tank.

CISA and DHS officials routinely say the changes are designed to get the agency “back on mission.” Lewis, industry officials and others say CISA probably never needed to get involved in combatting misinformation and disinformation, roles that rankled some conservatives, but the agency largely halted that work prior to Trump returning to office.

Some saw duplication and redundancy at CISA as legitimate problems. “I did see overlap between who was actually doing policy and who was actually doing the operational work,” said Ari Schwartz, managing director of cybersecurity services at the law firm Venable and a former Obama administration cybersecurity official.

It was not that long ago when CISA experienced quick budget growth, particularly after its establishment in 2018.

“As with any organization, the first few years are growth years and after a while, the agency needed to reevaluate how it was operating and meeting its statutory authorities,” said Kate DiEmidio, who formerly served as the agency’s director of legislative affairs and acting chief external affairs officer. “There was a need for the agency to refocus.”

Even among those who saw the need for change at CISA, though, many saw the Trump administration as going way too far. “CISA needed surgery,” Lewis said, but “what it needed was surgery with a scalpel, not a sledgehammer.” He added, “Not only is the White House hostile to CISA, but cybersecurity isn’t a priority for them.”

A question of capacity

The cuts have created real-world consequences for cybersecurity coordination. Former officials and industry partners describe broken relationships, unanswered requests for help and serious questions about whether CISA can handle a major crisis. The coordination and engagement that defined the agency’s approach have largely diminished.

The end result is that “they’ve dismantled all of those capabilities in units within government,” said Caitlin Durkovich, a former DHS official in the Obama administration and White House official in the Biden administration. She recently started a firm with former top CISA official Jeff Greene that offers services CISA has scaled back, such as security assessments.

“It’s been really hard to watch,” Greene said, how CISA has been working with the private sector and local governments on “developing a level of trust that is weakening or gone.”

One industry source said they used to meet regularly with top officials, but now can’t get a response. “We’ve got really good engagement elsewhere in government. We really would like the opportunity to do the same thing with CISA,” they said. “Some of the trust that had been built up has been eroded.”

Thompson said the biggest losses have been in election security and secure-by-design, areas where his staff says personnel has been “decimated.”

Said another industry source: “I do feel like that when people, if organizations, want to reach out to CISA, it’s not clear who’s there… If we got into a major conflict, let’s say, with China, and they start triggering Volt Typhoon-related malware, are we organized and ready to roll? I don’t think so.”

Another former CISA official described the current situation as a “lack of capacity,” especially when it comes to coordinating with state and local governments and others on a regional basis.

“A bunch of regions are really grappling with the loss of really key personnel who were the ones that were establishing and maintaining these relationships, and really trying to build the trust between the agency and the private sector, and especially in critical infrastructure,” they said. “Not having as many people to help do that national coordinating function that CISA is supposed to do is a real issue.”

They also said there are fewer people working in “flagship programs” like secure-by-design and developing regulations for the landmark Cyber Incident Reporting for Critical Infrastructure Act of 2022 (CIRCIA). “People are overstretched,” they said. “They’re not doing all the things that they could or should be doing, or want to be doing, and I think that you see evidence of that with talk from the private sector and their inability to to reach people and to get help “

Schwartz said he worries about when “an incident happens, do they have the people to go in, go to the states, go locally, and really do the work that’s needed, as they did in the past? Because they’ve lost some of that ability.”

Lewis said that “overall, the impression is it’s a much weaker entity than it was a year ago.”

“Their power was in their ability to act as a focal point, to coordinate, to bring people together, and just the publication of vulnerabilities and some of the things they were starting to get into in the previous administration were big steps forward that’s been diminished because they don’t have the people now,” he said. “So a smaller organization, that’s just not going to be as powerful.”

State and local governments say they’ve lost critical connections with CISA, saying they’ve had to turn to one another to fill the gaps.

“We’re asking states to do a job they’re not resourced to do, while weakening the one federal agency designed to help them,” said Errol Weiss, chief security officer at the Health-ISAC. “This is precisely where you do need a strong, centralized federal security function. We already have a national shortage of cybersecurity experts, and you can’t just replicate that expertise 50 times over.”

Overall, Weiss said industry partners have felt the lack of outreach from the agency. “Fewer touchpoints, fewer briefings, fewer problem‑solving calls,” he told CyberScoop, adding that there’s “a growing perception that CISA is being hollowed out where it matters most to industry: stakeholder engagement, collaborative forums, and operational support during incidents.”

Rob Knake, a former top Biden administration official, recently said that “CISA as an organization has pretty much fallen apart.”

Leadership in limbo

One near-universal sentiment is that as Sean Plankey’s leadership nomination drags in the Senate, the agency is worse off.

“We need to start this year off right, and we’re already in February and can’t get Plankey confirmed,” Garbarino said. “There’s nothing better than having a Senate-confirmed person running the show.”

The acting director has also faced criticism beyond the operational issues. Gottumukkala, who served as South Dakota’s chief information officer under Kristi Noem before she became DHS secretary, has faced fire from both parties for his stewardship.

A string of embarrassing stories have emerged about Gottumukkala, from the tale of him failing a polygraph test and seeking to oust those who administered it; to his reported attempted ouster of veteran agency CIO Robert Costello; to his reported uploading of sensitive contract data to ChatGPT. DHS has defended Gottumukkala amid those revelations.

Reading stories like that, “It just sounds like amateur hour,” said one former CISA employee.

“I don’t think he’s up to the task. I believe that he’s not the best person, and I think he is just somebody the secretary likes, because they both are from South Dakota.” Thompson said. “I don’t know anybody before this administration who would be in sensitive areas and not have passed minimal standards like the polygraph.”

The ChatGPT story drew concern from the right by Senate Judiciary Chairman Chuck Grassley, R-Iowa, as well as from conservative figure Laura Loomer (the latter of whose remarks were racially tinged). Others were more perturbed by the lie detector story.

“When you have security issues with someone in a leadership position, you should find another place for them to go,” said a former Trump administration national security official. “There are plenty of competent people in DHS, in CISA, who could hold things together until Sean Plankey gets there. There are lots of serious things CISA needs to be working on right now. This is a drag on that. It’s not a place where you want any type of friction at the top.”

Garbarino was more generous, noting Gottumukkala’s technical background. DiEmidio also noted Gottumukkala’s technical skills. But Garbarino and Nevada Rep. Mark Amodei, the GOP chairman of the House Appropriations Subcommittee on Homeland Security, have been seeking CISA’s organizational plans to no avail.

“I don’t think he’s intentionally lying to us by saying there’s no reorg plan,” Garbarino said. “But there’s got to be some reasoning behind all these moves, moving the people around, or layoffs or whatever. I want to give him the benefit of the doubt that he is the technical guy that has been given a non-technical job to do.”

Schwartz and some others largely blame Congress for CISA’s current woes, since they haven’t approved Plankey as a full-time, permanent leader. “A lot of the issue is the fact that just doesn’t have the leadership to be able to participate in senior-level discussions,” he said.

What’s left to build on

Despite myriad complaints, many observers still see value in the current iteration of CISA. Some are hopeful about its ability to rebound, too.

CISA says it’s still devoted to its missions. The agency published a 2025 year-in-review about its accomplishments.

“CISA remains steadfast in its mission to safeguard the systems Americans rely on by strengthening federal network defenses, empowering businesses, and fortifying critical infrastructure nationwide,” Gottumukkala said in a statement to CyberScoop.

Moving forward, “we will deepen collaboration with trusted partners, prioritize highly skilled technical professionals, and direct resources for maximum impact—accelerating innovation, operational coordination, and workforce right-sizing to reduce long-term risks while maintaining strong industry partnerships and cost efficiency,” he said. “The CISA leadership and workforce remains committed to this mission despite a small minority who are upset that accountability and reform have come to the agency.”

It’s a message Gottumukkala recently delivered to Congress. “He tried to give the impression that we haven’t lost any capacity,” Thompson said. “I wasn’t impressed.”

Others said CISA is still carrying out many of its old tasks, such as issuing public alerts on vulnerabilities and threats.

“There’s still some good reporting coming out,” Greene said. “But what I can’t know is the volume of what they can put out versus what they used to be able to put out.”

Weiss said “CISA still has tremendous value in areas only the federal government can truly provide: national‑level visibility, cross‑sector coordination and the ability to marshal resources across agencies in a crisis.” But it’s not clear whether CISA can rise to the occasion like it did during the 2024 Change Healthcare crisis.

“All of this means it’s more important than ever for the private sector to take the initiative,” he said. “Critical infrastructure owners and operators cannot assume the federal government will have the capacity to step in the way it once did.”

Weiss and others also said that CISA has refocused on federal networks, but others, such as Lewis, said it’s also diminished there. “That’s their primary mission, and they don’t have the policies or the bodies to do that,” Lewis said.

Garbarino and a number of industry sources say they’re encouraged by the idea that the Trump administration could write less onerous regulations for CIRCIA, with an earlier draft drawing bipartisan and industry criticism.

A Senate-confirmed leader could further brighten the agency’s prospects, many agree. “They still have some good talent there. It’s not totally that we’ve lost everything there,” Schwartz said. “If you have leadership in there, then you can build it up.”

DiEmidio said some of the staff changes have made sense. Election security had more people than other sectors that needed the help, she said. 

“In some ways, I think the external attention to CISA’s mission in the media and with Congress was completely focused on one or two things, and the focus on the things that really matter, and the good work that CISA is doing got overshadowed,” she said. For the agency’s cybersecurity division and other cyber teams, “there were several incidents over the summer where those teams were incredible. They were working evenings, weekends.”

But many agree that rebuilding CISA’s workforce will be difficult.

The Trump administration has deliberately made working for the federal government challenging as a matter of policy. Russell Vought, head of the Office of Management and Budget, said before the election that the goal was to put federal workers “in trauma.” Morale at CISA has been particularly bad, they say. Periodic DHS shutdowns haven’t helped.

On the plus side for CISA, it’s a bad labor market, Lewis said.

Some of what CISA needs to do going forward is about managing expectations, said DiEmidio.

“What I would want to make sure is that CISA has a hiring plan in place to start hiring, especially in those key technical positions at all levels,” she said. “ I think you have to have an understanding that people are going to rotate in and out of government. Not everyone wants to stay in government long term and that’s okay.”

But there are some worries about CISA recruiting going forward. “Just the way they handle the departures, for a lot of folks, I don’t think it gives a lot of encouragement to individuals that ‘Hey, this is a great place to work,’” said one former DHS official.

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Lawmakers wonder when Trump administration will weigh on soon-expired surveillance powers

28 January 2026 at 16:54

There’s a growing question on Capitol Hill as the expiration of sweeping U.S. government surveillance powers looms: Where is the Trump administration?

The Senate Judiciary Committee held a hearing Wednesday on the 2024 law that revised the surveillance authorities known as Section 702, a part of the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act. Advocates have said that information collected under Section 702 — under which national security officials controversially can use U.S. citizens’ personal information to query a database for collection of their electronic communications with foreign targets without a warrant — accounts for 60% of the intelligence included in the President’s Daily Briefing.

But no Trump administration witnesses testified at the hearing. Nor did any testify at a recent House hearing. Sen. Chris Coons, D-Del., said at Wednesday’s hearing that he wanted to scrutinize the changes to Section 702 under the 2024 law, which came in the wake of significant abuses of the authorities and is set to expire at the end of April.

“Today I had hoped to hear from witnesses about whether those reforms had been appropriately implemented and whether they’ve been effective, but I can’t ask those questions of officials from the government who are actually implementing those reforms because they’re not here,” he said. “We are three months from the expiration of Section 702, and the Trump administration, as best as I can discern, still has no official position on it. That is stunning.” 

“I think it’s unacceptable that with just 90 days [before expiration the administration doesn’t know how it thinks about the program and has nobody here to explain or defend it,” Coons continued.

The top Democrat on the panel, Illinois Sen. Dick Durbin, also said he was “disappointed” the administration wasn’t at the hearing. When Durbin led the panel, he had administration witnesses appear before the committee six months before Section 702 was then set to expire at the end of 2023, and administration officials began a public push for renewal almost a year in advance of its sunset.

Frustration toward the Trump administration over its communication about Section 702 wasn’t just limited to committee Democrats. Chairman Chuck Grassley, R-Iowa, complained about how he and Durbin had written to Attorney General Pam Bondi about President Joe Biden and now Donald Trump not allowing — “despite a statutory mandate to do so” — panel members and staff to attend hearings of the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court that makes important decisions about the use of Section 702 authorities.

“We’ve yet to receive a meaningful response,” Grassley said.

Commenting on the administration’s absence, Grassley said Congress had a duty to consider reauthorizing Section 702 regardless of the administration’s views.

“If the administration would like to brief us in an open or closed setting, I will work to set it up,” he said. “In the meantime, the Senate Judiciary Committee needs to move ahead.”

Experts and other lawmakers have also observed the Trump administration’s relative quiet about Section 702. Trump himself has repeatedly thrown the stipulation’s future into turmoil during past renewal debates.

The National Security Agency referred a question about the administration’s views and discussions with Congress to the Defense Department. Spokespeople for the DOD, Office of the Director of National Intelligence, FBI, Justice Department  and Central Intelligence Agency did not immediately respond to requests for comment.

During his nomination hearing to lead the FBI, Kash Patel testified on the importance of Section 702 authorities and not impeding them with a warrant requirement. As a member of Congress, Director of National Intelligence Tulsi Gabbard opposed renewal of Section 702, but has offered mixed signals since, including during her own nomination hearing.

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Senate Intel chair urges national cyber director to safeguard against open-source software threats

18 December 2025 at 11:46

Senate Intelligence Committee Chairman Tom Cotton is raising the spectre of foreign adversaries playing too heavy a role in open-source software, and asking the national cyber director to counter the risks.

The Arkansas Republican wrote to National Cyber Director Sean Cairncross Thursday, saying he was concerned about reports that “state-sponsored software developers and cyber espionage groups have started to exploit this communal environment, which assumes that contributors are benevolent, to insert malicious code into widely used open source codebases.”

Cotton cited last year’s alarms about a shadowy suspected nation-state hacker, Jia Tan, inserting a backdoor into a beta version of the compression utility XZ Utils. He also noted a Russia-based developer being the sole maintainer of a piece of open-source software (OSS) that’s in Defense Department software packages, and citations about Chinese tech companies Alibaba and Huawei being top OSS contributors.

“As the Office of the National Cyber Director holds responsibility for coordinating implementation of national cyber policy and government-wide cybersecurity, you are well-positioned to lead the U.S. government in addressing this cross-cutting vulnerability,” Cotton wrote. “I respectfully request that you take steps to build up the federal government’s capability to maintain awareness of provenance and foreign influence on OSS and track contributions from developers in adversary nations.”

Cotton’s letter adds to warnings from the Hill this year about the risks that Chinese involvement in open-source tech poses, following a letter from the House select committee on China on the subject to Biden-era Commerce Secretary Gina Raimondo. Legislation designed to improve open-source cybersecurity didn’t advance in the Senate after leading lawmakers introduced it in 2023.

The senator noted that open-source software is part of critical government and defense systems. Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth in July ordered the Pentagon’s chief information officer to take steps to guard against foreign influence in department technology.

“The DoD will not procure any hardware or software susceptible to adversarial foreign influence that presents risk to mission accomplishment and must prevent such adversaries from introducing malicious capabilities into the products and services that are utilized by the Department,” he wrote.

At the same time, a Trump administration executive order this year puzzled experts by deleting language from a previous Biden administration executive order emphasizing the importance of open-source software.

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